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On the Eve of battle - Rod Dreher
From Rod's substack - worth the subscription
November 04, 2024
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On The Eve Of Battle

Americans Are Choosing Not Between Two Candidates, But Two Postliberal Regimes

Nov 4
 
 
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Well, here we are on Election Eve. I guess everybody has his or her mind made up by now, and all that’s left to us is to vote, then wait and see. I wish I were back home for this. Not sure why. I might try to find an election-watching party over here, but the results are going to be very late in coming in, on Budapest time, so I might just stay home. If Trump wins, I want to be with other people, celebrating. If he loses, it’ll be best to stay home. I do think he’s going to win, though.

For me, this is not a vote between two (highly flawed) candidates, but between two ways of governing. I have an essay coming out in The European Conservative later today about this, so I don’t want to give too much away here. The core of my argument, though, can be found in this must-read essay by Nathan Pinkoski, in First Things.

In it, Pinkoski argues that classical liberalism in America is a thing of the past, and we are actually living between versions of postliberalism. What does he mean by that? Excerpt:

Twentieth-century civilization has collapsed. It rested on an essential tenet of liberalism: the state-society, public-private distinction. The state-society distinction reached its apogee in the mid-twentieth century, when the triumph and challenges of the postwar moment clarified the importance of defending social freedom from state power, while ensuring that the public realm was not taken over by private interests. Over the last few decades, this distinction has been eroded and finally abandoned altogether. Like it or not, the West is now postliberal.

This is not the same “postliberalism” that we are accustomed to hearing about. Postliberal thinkers from Patrick Deneen to Adrian Pabst have exposed the conceptual problems inherent in liberal theory. Liberals justify the separation of the public realm from the private sphere by appealing to value neutrality. This notion of separation involves a certain moral and metaphysical thinness. The commitment to neutrality is thought to prevent states’ coercing belief through law and force. It protects the private sphere, so that individuals and associations can live out their creeds. Yet by promoting civic neutrality, liberalism socializes us to moderate our ambitions for public life. Against this view, postliberal thinkers argue that the liberal state’s rejection of a substantive vision of the good hollows out politics and civil society. Liberalism produces a state bent on driving tradition and religion out of public life, an atomistic society in which money is the only universally acknowledged good. Postliberal intellectuals contend that if our ruling classes relinquished their liberal commitment to neutral institutions in favor of a substantive vision of the good, we could renew our civilization.

The Brexit referendum and Trump’s election in 2016 revealed the extent of the West’s malaise. Eight years ago, the postliberal critique seemed exciting and relevant, even as liberal intellectuals mounted impressive counterattacks. But these disputations have little to do with how we are actually governed. Governments long ago breached the barrier separating the public and private realms. Nor is the state the only danger, for the supposedly liberal institutions of civil society have given up on neutrality. Cancel culture is ­corporate and academic culture. The financial and tech giants pry into the private lives of ­citizens and punish them for their words and deeds. For quite some time, a substantive vision of the good has already been ruling over both state and society.

He goes on to argue that after 1989, in the West, the state expanded its power through ideological capture of the ruling class, which acts more or less in unison, within private institutions to achieve its goals. This is not only something that came about through Democratic administrations. The George W. Bush administration expanded the reach of the state after 9/11. The United States, under successive governments, has weaponized liberal institutions of international governance to make them serve American goals. Covid exacerbated and clarified this, as did the George Floyd aftermath, as has the transgender issue, with the state and its ideological allies in business and private institutions using civil rights laws and concepts to force illiberal concepts of race and sex on unwilling populations, who were not given a say in the matter.

The British commentator Ed West expands on this in his latest Substack essay. (I’m not sure if this is paywalled or not, but oh boy, you should subscribe to Ed’s consistently excellent Substack, which focuses mostly on history and the way it impacts us today). Excerpt:

The number one reason that people give for voting Kamala Harris is ‘the future of democracy’. Yet Republicans have reason to fear the other side, too, that progressive rule will further embed a system where decisions are taken away from elected politicians and steered by a network of NGOs, activist judges and bureaucrats schooled in monocultural left-leaning institutions, where freedom of speech is crushed and a demoralised, impoverished population is led by a ruling class who despises them and their history. A bit like Britain, in other words.

There is also the issue of immigration, which on a large scale makes democracy more fragile. The experience of the United States is different to Europe, since the former has indeed always been a ‘nation of immigrants’. Yet until 1965, the US was in essence still a European country with a small, partially disenfranchised African-descended minority in its poorer, less populous south. Even Americans of southern and eastern European descent were under immense social pressure to conform to an Anglo norm.

Columbus Day, now a symbolic source of division, was once designed to celebrate, and integrate, Italians in America, the largest groups of Ellis Island immigrants who joined a country that until then had been dominated by north-west European Protestants. That they did successfully integrate was in part due to the fact that large-scale immigration was paused from 1924 to 1965, a political impossibility in today’s America.

America is now something different, what Barack Obama called a country founded on an idea - but might also be described as a ‘progressive caliphate’, a country defined not by ancestry but belief. This is a fine ideal, but it is a novelty for a democracy, and where this kind of society has existed in the past it has always been ruled by autocrats who enforced the state religion with an iron fist.

Democracy and diversity make unusual bedfellows. Across the world, where a previously secure majority group has begun to lose its numerical advantage, it has led to conflict, most notably in Lebanon, Northern Ireland and Fiji. Multi-ethnic democracies are fraught, because elections are a tribal headcount, and made less legitimate when one side appears to be recruiting more of its followers. The issue of Voter ID is related to how conservatives feel that the Left is cheating the system by importing voters, with some justification.

In these quasi-democracies, political representatives use the system to hand out rewards to their side, Kamala Harris’s recent proposal of $20,000 loans for black men being typical of countries where politicians use the levers of power to take from unpopular market-dominant groups. Unlike in the United States of the 1960s, there is no need to frame these arguments through a sense of shared Christian pity - it’s a far older and less revolutionary instinct.

Diversity is only one cause of polarisation, and not a precondition: Poland is one of the most polarised countries in Europe and one of its least diverse, while homogenous South Korea is the most divided of all – by sex, more than anything.

Neither are these uniquely American trends, with many of the same patterns also found in Europe: the ‘great realignment’ is now a British phenomenon, too, and indeed was the core story of Brexit. That referendum saw British politics grow far more polarised, with Leave and Remain identities becoming far stronger than party affiliations. While that issue has subsided, for now, voters have instead become polarised over immigration.

Whether we follow a similar path to the United States will depend on many things, including whether trust in institutions continues to fall and immigration levels remain high. The extent to which any politician can change the nature of voting coalitions is also limited: when a country has a populace so divided over core issues, parties will simply come to represent those interests, although individuals can set the tone.

Pinkoski and West are elaborating on the basic point I made in Live Not By Liesthat we are living in a kind of “soft totalitarianism.” To restate the point: hard totalitarianism is the Soviet model (or the Chinese model), in which all power resides in the state, which enforces its ideology through violence, or the threat of it. Soft totalitarianism, by contrast, is when a single ideology rules a society without significant state coercion, because the class that rules institutions of private life (the professions, the universities, the media, and so forth) presses its ideology onto the body politic. A second quality of soft totalitarianism is that it does so often for “therapeutic” reasons, e.g., to protect those it conceives as victims from the depredations of the deplorable masses, even to the point of shielding the “oppressed” from having their feelings hurt.

When one is not permitted to say that a person who is a biological male is a man, without facing serious penalties — say, the law student who faces expulsion for “aggressive pointing” at a transgender advocate — you can say we live under soft totalitarianism. Or at least, under left-wing illiberalism.

The Left doesn’t see this, of course. They think they are “defending democracy.” Last week, The New York Times, a leading institution of left-wing illiberalism, published an essay by two government professors at Harvard, another such institution, arguing that in the event of a Trump victory at the polls, the ruling class should institute a color revolution to deny Trump the opportunity to govern. Thus, they argue that we must destroy democracy to save it.

Whatever this is, it’s not liberalism. In fact, as a Times subscriber, I’m struck by how propagandistic the newspaper has been in this campaign. If you only got your news and information from the Times, you would have no real idea about the country you live in. The paper has been so hysterically anti-Trump that unless you read Ross Douthat — a conservative who is deeply skeptical of Trump, but who at least makes a serious effort to understand and explain why so many Americans support him (great piece here, ungated) — you would think that half the country was in the grips of authoritarian madness. In the pages of the Times, as in all of the legacy media, there has been virtually no attempt to understand the failures of the Left, and why so many Americans have no trust in them, or more broadly in American institutions.

The fact that the Democrats, having despised Dick Cheney and his warmongering for over two decades, have allied with him and his equally hawkish daughter Liz, tells you everything you need to know about why Pinkoski is right, and we are facing a choice between regimes — and that the line between them does not run strictly between Democrats and Republicans.

As you know, I don’t have much faith that a Trump restoration will turn the tide. But maybe I’m wrong; I was wrong about him in 2016, and he was a better president than I expected. But I wholeheartedly hope he wins this time, as a democratic repudiation of the governing regime. If Trump wins, I do hope and expect that he will be more aggressive this time in pushing back against the Left and its hegemony over the institutions of American life. What I learned from living in Hungary and observing Viktor Orban is that the only effective way to fight back against these illiberal left-wing powers is to refuse their manipulative lies.

On the other hand, Hungary is a deeply divided country, over politics. So too is America, and the election, whoever wins, won’t fix this. God only knows what will happen to our beloved country. Philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre understood what had happened to us across the West in his early 1980s book After Virtue. Though he was not a Christian when he wrote the book (he later converted to Catholicism), MacIntyre knew we had lost the ground of our common values — Christianity — and the Enlightenment gave us no universal framework within which to anchor our reason. The age of liberal democracy depended on residual Christianity to work; now that that has gone, we find ourselves at odds over what it means to live a good life, in community.

Take a look at this four-minute clip from Joe Rogan’s interview with Sen. John Fetterman:

  

What Rogan is pointing out here is that he pressed Fetterman on what it means that the Biden administration permitted millions of illegal migrants to settle in swing states. It looks like they are importing voters from abroad to cement their power. Fetterman squirms, but doesn’t deny it! Look, I live in Europe, and you can see in countries like France and Germany that the alliance between the left-wing parties, who hate their civilization and think it is nothing but a story of oppression and racism, have formed a political bond with Islamic migrants, to dispossess the ordinary people of those countries. This is what Renaud Camus means by “the Great Replacement.”

It is not as bad in America as it is here, because at least the Latin American migrants share a Christian background, which makes them more compatible with American mores. Still, it is a scandal that political parties would try to dissolve the American electorate by importing foreigners who will likely vote for them. The American people, of all races, were not given a choice here. In Europe, the only national leader who has consistently refused this is … Viktor Orban. That horrible fascist, if you believe the media, academia, and the US Government. But coming to Hungary to visit, and indeed to live here, tells a very different story. It tells you that we have been lied to, not only about him, but about what our ruling class is really about. It’s not liberal democracy, I can tell you that.

Whatever happens tomorrow, I am grateful for you all, even you Kamala-voting libs! We are all in this together, somehow. Let us meditate on the tragic sense of Lincoln’s words in his second inaugural address, delivered near the end of the Civil War: “The prayers of both [sides] could not be answered—that of neither has been answered fully.” Yet America endured. I think it still can.

We Are Being Played

Here’s a must-read bit by the UK commentator Matt Goodwin, about the way the British government and the media managed public reaction to the stabbing deaths in Southport of three little girls by a young black man, the son of migrants. Goodwin begins by making a broad point about how the ruling class will not allow discussion of the deleterious effects of mass migration. Excerpts:

Wondering if a mass influx of millions of low-skill migrants might be one reason why our economy and public services are deteriorating, and why Chancellor Rachel Reeves was just forced to impose record rates of tax and borrowing?

“Oh, you’re misinformed!”, they cry in unison, while at the same time concealing information about the cost of our asylum system in the welfare budget and refusing to share information about tax and welfare by nationality and immigration status.

It is, put simply, outrageous and is something I will not stop talking about until all of this information is made available to the hardworking, tax-paying British people.

And nowhere has this trick been more visible than in the response of our hapless elite class to the horrific atrocities that were committed in Southport, where three precious little girls –Elsie Dot Stancombe, Bebe King, and Alice Da Silva Aguiar--were brutally murdered at a dance class, while many more were nearly stabbed to death.

More:

Once again, those who asked questions were instantly warned about “misinformation” while actual information about the suspect was suppressed or downplayed.

Interestingly, the few details that were initially released appeared to be ones designed to calm tension, telling people the accused was “Cardiff-born” and his parents were “a lovely couple”, which I’d suggest simply made little sense to most people.

Into this vacuum then arrived all the usual stories about “solidarity” and communities “coming together”, much like what followed the bombing of our children at the Manchester Evening News Arena by “British” citizen Salman Abedi, or the horrific murder of Sir David Amess MP by “British” citizen Ali Harbi Ali.

All of this, too, was rapidly contrasted with stark warnings about the “far right”, which has not been a serious force in this country for years, to essentially warn people off asking deeper questions about what is going on in our country.

A small minority who were unable to control their anger and rage rioted and were, rightly, sent to jail. But so too were many people who, often writing online in their own homes, drew a line from the atrocity in Southport to immigration and Islam.

… People from the left-leaning elite class, meanwhile, who had previously taken only minutes to brand past attacks as “far-right terrorism” suddenly urged caution and delay, while quickly moving the discussion on to debates about how best to clamp down on free speech and free expression in our country.

Well, well, well:

Now we know that the Southport attack does have something to do with these very issues. I don’t know if it’s the discovery, this week, that the son of Rwandan immigrants tried to make the deadly biological weapon ricin or that he downloaded an al-Qaeda training manual for Islamist terrorists titled ‘Military Studies in the Jihad Against Tyrants’, which offers advice on urban warfare, terrorist tactics, and how to establish terrorist cells, that has left me thinking we might not have been given the full story about this ‘Welshman’.

Furthermore, I’d hazard a guess that many people in the corridors of power have known a lot more about this story than they’ve been letting on. As anybody who has worked in Number 10 knows, as Dominic Cummings pointed out this week, despite what we’re being told, despite all the talk about “misinformation” or “disinformation”, it is in fact highly likely that Keir Starmer, Yvette Cooper, and the authorities would have known almost immediately about this information.

You cannot trust these people, anywhere — except to lie and manipulate in the service of their preferred lies. We have the same thing in America, of course. Last bit from Goodwin:

Sorry, but do they actually think we are this stupid? Do they actually think we will just blindly follow the officially approved narrative? Do they not think the Mums, Dads, and concerned citizens of this country will relentlessly pursue the truth and hold our rulers to account? Do they really just think we will shut up and go away?

Not. A. Chance.

Here's what I think. I think they think we are stupid. I think they think we will forget about the scandal in Southport and move on with our lives. I think they think we will be cowed into silence or duped once again by the same misinformation trick, that we will scuttle off and not dare ask questions about what is happening to our country.

But we won’t.

Live not by lies! One major reason the lies flourish is that the ruling class makes it too painful to speak the truth. Another reason is that many people — perhaps most people — can’t bear to face up to the hideous realities of what we have become, and what we are facing. But face it we must. If we don’t, we’re over. This is not an abstract threat. This is real life. I had lunch on Friday with an Irishman furious over what migration has done to his village. The Irish government has imported and settled more Ukrainian migrants there than the population of the actual village! To say it has disrupted life is to badly understate the reality. These are not Africans, but Ukrainians, but the point is they are not Irishmen! The people of this small rural village have been forced to deal with something they are not prepared for, could not possibly be prepared for, and which is changing their settled life forever.

And they were not given a choice in the matter! They are paying the price for the moral vanity of Ireland’s ruling class. So, too, are Americans in similar circumstances. Look at this news last week from small-town Ohio:

The mayor of a small village near Cincinnati says he needs help from the federal government after a surge of illegal immigration primarily from Mauritania that nearly exceeds the local population and that he says is "unsustainable."

"Our county officials estimate that we have around 3,000 of those that have come to a village of 3,420 residents. And our complaint is, if the federal government is going to have an open borders policy, with that they need to have a policy directing these immigrants to communities that can absorb that kind of population increase," Lockland Mayor Mark Mason told Fox News Digital.

Democracy depends on the consent of the governed. And yet we are told by The New York Times, Harvard professors, and their kind that to be angry about all this only shows that we are threats to democracy.

We aren’t threats to democracy. We are threats to them. I hope they are frightened.

The Gender Gap, Explained

Mary Eberstadt considers the yawning gender gap in US politics. Excerpt:

The mystery isn’t that many of today’s young men are deserting the side that loathes them and fears them and sometimes longs to queer them. It’s that socially and economically superior players haven’t a clue anymore about what makes young men tick—whether it’s driving fast, failing to ask strangers for directions, treating Sunday football like church, or saving a subway car full of strangers from disaster. From Democratic politics to Hollywood, from prestige quads to the C-suite, those players haven’t only lost the script about young men. They’ve unlearned the alphabet of human nature.

There is something unique called male self-respect. It’s grounded in the belief that rules exist and retain their authority, from baseball to church to war, no matter how many times they’re broken. Forgetting that fact of nature renders progressivism and its fellow-travelers incapable of understanding a major chunk of the electorate. The real mystery in the political sex imbalance isn’t about boys and men, but girls and women. It’s why so many obediently keep trotting in the same lanes marked out for them since the 1960s, pelted with the same messages that have been making life miserable for decades now—men are badthe future is femininecareer first, egg-freezing nextthe best ending after falling for someone and making a baby together is to get rid of it.

White progressives are scandalized that not everybody hates themselves as much as they do.

Queering The Donbass (And Everywhere Else)

I coined the phrase “queering the Donbass” to mock the US Government’s desire to remake the world in the image of progressive America, whether or not it is in our country’s national interest. Now Christopher Rufo has produced a report on how the US State Department has made advocating for LGBT rights an essential part of American foreign policy Excerpt:

The diversity agenda has been translated to the day-to-day operations at embassies around the world. Some embassies are even screening security positions for adherence to DEI. In a job posting for a security escort position at the U.S. Consulate General in Lagos, for example, applicants are told that “[t]he U.S. Mission in Nigeria supports Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility (DEIA),” and that “[a]ll genders are welcome to apply.” Some two-thirds of the job summary is dedicated to DEI, as if U.S. security officers should be more concerned with gender pronouns than terrorist attacks.

Inside the embassies, gender has become a near obsession. State’s latest annual LGBTQI+ progress report lists countless present and future efforts across all foreign agencies to make the world safe for queer theory, from “Pride Events at Headquarters” to “Gender Equity in the Mexican Workplace.” Among these is a department-wide partnership with the Global Equality Fund, a public-private entity “dedicated to advancing and defending the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons around the world” that has directed funds to 116 “grassroots” LGBTQI+ organizations in 73 countries.

State itself asserts that U.S. diplomatic efforts should reflect progressive ideology. In a special report on “DEIA Promotion” by the department’s advisory commission on public diplomacy, State evaluates “how U.S. missions adapt existing programs to DEIA principles,” which are to inform “all aspects of the Department’s policymaking as well as efforts to address barriers to opportunity for individuals historically and currently burdened by inequality and systemic discrimination.” Realpolitik, in other words, should give way to critical theory.

These efforts raise a critical question: Does gender theory advance the U.S.’s national interests? The answer appears to be no. But that is hardly an obstacle for State’s gender activists. They want to hang the rainbow flag throughout the benighted parts of the world. This mission trumps all others.

What on earth does any of this have to do with advancing American national interests abroad? It’s cultural imperialism, straight up. This is part of the reason why more and more people abroad hate us.

Bach In Autumn

Let’s pivot to something happier, shall we? Autumn is my favorite season, and nothing musically says autumn to me like Bach’s Suites for solo cello. Here is the introduction to them, by the man who plays my favorite version, Yo-Yo Ma:

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Bourdain In Lyon

I discovered over the weekend that one of my all-time favorite hours of television, Anthony Bourdain’s episode of his visit to Lyon, France’s gastronomic capital, is available on YouTube:

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At the 16:00 mark, Bourdain and Bill Buford dine at Café Comptoir Abel, the city’s oldest bistro, where Bourdain tastes a classic Lyonnaise dish: quenellesa dish made of filleted river pike inside a soft dumpling, coated in a sauce of béchamel made with crawfish butter. Because of the Bourdain episode, I visited Lyon in 2015 with friends, including the incomparable James C. We made our way to Café Comptoir Abel, and I ordered the quenelles. James C. captured the very moment I tasted what was one of the best meals of my life:

  

They really are that good!

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Marco Rubio at the Munich Security Conference (full video here)

Secretary of State Marco Rubio really has emerged as the big talent in this administration. He went to the Munich Security Conference over the weekend and basically laid down the Team Trump line on Europe, but did it in a way that didn’t freak the Euros out. From the transcript:

Under President Trump, the United States of America will once again take on the task of renewal and restoration, driven by a vision of a future as proud, as sovereign, and as vital as our civilization’s past. And while we are prepared, if necessary, to do this alone, it is our preference and it is our hope to do this together with you, our friends here in Europe.

For the United States and Europe, we belong together. America was founded 250 years ago, but the roots began here on this continent long before. The man who settled and built the nation of my birth arrived on our shores carrying the memories and the traditions and the Christian faith of their ancestors as a sacred inheritance, an unbreakable link between the old world and the new.

We are part of one civilization – Western civilization. We are bound to one another by the deepest bonds that nations could share, forged by centuries of shared history, Christian faith, culture, heritage, language, ancestry, and the sacrifices our forefathers made together for the common civilization to which we have fallen heir.

And so this is why we Americans may sometimes come off as a little direct and urgent in our counsel. This is why President Trump demands seriousness and reciprocity from our friends here in Europe. The reason why, my friends, is because we care deeply. We care deeply about your future and ours. And if at times we disagree, our disagreements come from our profound sense of concern about a Europe with which we are connected – not just economically, not just militarily. We are connected spiritually and we are connected culturally. We want Europe to be strong. We believe that Europe must survive, because the two great wars of the last century serve for us as history’s constant reminder that ultimately, our destiny is and will always be intertwined with yours, because we know – (applause) – because we know that the fate of Europe will never be irrelevant to our own.

National security, which this conference is largely about, is not merely series of technical questions – how much we spend on defense or where, how we deploy it, these are important questions. They are. But they are not the fundamental one. The fundamental question we must answer at the outset is what exactly are we defending, because armies do not fight for abstractions. Armies fight for a people; armies fight for a nation. Armies fight for a way of life. And that is what we are defending: a great civilization that has every reason to be proud of its history, confident of its future, and aims to always be the master of its own economic and political destiny.

It was here in Europe where the ideas that planted the seeds of liberty that changed the world were born. It was here in Europe where the world – which gave the world the rule of law, the universities, and the scientific revolution. It was this continent that produced the genius of Mozart and Beethoven, of Dante and Shakespeare, of Michelangelo and Da Vinci, of the Beatles and the Rolling Stones. And this is the place where the vaulted ceilings of the Sistine Chapel and the towering spires of the great cathedral in Cologne, they testify not just to the greatness of our past or to a faith in God that inspired these marvels. They foreshadow the wonders that await us in our future. But only if we are unapologetic in our heritage and proud of this common inheritance can we together begin the work of envisioning and shaping our economic and our political future.

More:

But we must also gain control of our national borders. Controlling who and how many people enter our countries, this is not an expression of xenophobia. It is not hate. It is a fundamental act of national sovereignty. And the failure to do so is not just an abdication of one of our most basic duties owed to our people. It is an urgent threat to the fabric of our societies and the survival of our civilization itself.

And:

And this is why we do not want our allies to be weak, because that makes us weaker. We want allies who can defend themselves so that no adversary will ever be tempted to test our collective strength. This is why we do not want our allies to be shackled by guilt and shame. We want allies who are proud of their culture and of their heritage, who understand that we are heirs to the same great and noble civilization, and who, together with us, are willing and able to defend it.

And this is why we do not want allies to rationalize the broken status quo rather than reckon with what is necessary to fix it, for we in America have no interest in being polite and orderly caretakers of the West’s managed decline. We do not seek to separate, but to revitalize an old friendship and renew the greatest civilization in human history.

Boom! Read the whole thing — especially the part near the end in which Rubio speaks of what America owes to Europe. Exactly right, and delivered in what you might call love, not as an insult. I understand this was well received. I hope so. Everything Rubio said is true and vitally important.

It is hard to overstate how badly the president’s intemperate and insulting remarks have been received in Europe — and, the thing that concerns me the most, is how damaging they have been to the electoral prospects of nationalist-sovereigntist parties on the Continent. A prominent French conservative journalist lamented to me last week that with the French Right — the RN, not the squishy Right — having become the leading party in France, next year’s election will likely be fought over, incredibly, Donald Trump. As stupid as it sounds — as stupid as it actually is! — the emotional power of the figure of Trump over European voters is a real thing. It can’t be wished away. The president’s big mouth stands to do to all these parties — parties whose accession to government would dramatically be in America’s interest — what it did to poor Pierre Poilievre in Canada.

Don’t believe me? Read this essay by David Engels, a strongly nationalist, anti-migration conservative intellectual — the kind of right-wing thinker who initially welcomed Trump. Excerpts:

At first glance, Trump’s second presidency seemed to offer European conservatives the kind of vindication after years of marginalisation.

But:

… the Greenland affair and Trump’s bid to annex European territory were experienced as open aggression and an outright breach of confidence.

That matters because European electorates—especially those sceptical of Brussels—tolerate weakness in their own elites more readily than they tolerate a humiliation of their civilisation. Criticism of European bureaucrats may be more than welcome, but contempt for Europe as such gradually triggers a different reflex, as it wounds a collective pride that still lingers in a society otherwise resigned to decline.

It’s Poilievre 2.0: as sick as electorates might be of liberal governance, they cannot bear to be humiliated. Trump humiliated them. And for what? Naturally the reflex of voters is to lash back — and that’s going to hurt the kinds of political parties that Trump needs to be in power in Europe, if only for America’s national interest. Rubio’s speech went far, it seems, in repairing that breach.

Meanwhile, EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen, also speaking at Munich, beat the drums of war with Russia. Quote from her speech:

We must make decisions faster. And this may mean relying on the result of a qualified majority rather than unanimity. We do not need to change the Treaty for this. We need to use the one we have. And we have to be creative.

Translation: Viktor Orban’s Hungary is the only one standing in the way of Europe declaring war on Russia. We will find a way around him.

From PoliticoEU:

The EU is hatching an unprecedented plan that could give Ukraine partial membership in the bloc as early as next year, as Brussels tries to shore up the country’s position in Europe and away from Moscow, according to 10 officials and diplomats.

Four years on from Russia’s full-scale invasion, and with Kyiv pushing for EU membership in 2027 to be included in a peace deal with the Kremlin, the early-stage idea would represent a dramatic change to the way the bloc brings new countries into the fold. The plan would see Ukraine getting a seat at the EU table before carrying out the reforms needed for full membership privileges.

April 12 is Election Day in Hungary. If Viktor Orban falls — and you can be sure all the efforts of European governments and intelligence agencies are pushing for that — then it is likely that the last obstacle to Ukraine’s entry into the EU will fall too. Orban’s opponent, Peter Magyar, has only said that if he wins, he will put it up to a national referendum in Hungary. But most Hungarians do not want Ukraine in the EU, not least because they know that means war with Russia. One expects that no matter how Hungarian voters feel, this will be an election that pro-Ukraine forces will “win.”

This is an extraordinarily dangerous moment for Europe. Bizarrely, its entire leadership class, save for Orban and some of his Central European allies, like Slovakia’s Robert Fico, are pushing hard for war with Russia. Why? What are they going to fight with? European militaries are weak. There is a lot of support among European publics for Ukraine in general, but I wonder what European voters will think if they are actually faced with the prospect of real live war on Ukraine’s behalf?

Balazs Orban, the Hungarian PM’s political director, tweeted the other day:

Brussels has made its objective clear: to defeat Russia on Ukrainian territory. Across Europe — with the exception of Hungary — war preparations are underway:

Conscription has been reintroduced in nine countries. In some, it now applies to women. Civil defense manuals are being distributed to households. Military spending has surged. Agreements have been signed about sending troops to Ukraine.

So far, Brussels has spent nearly €200 billion on the war. In December alone, it approved another €90 billion loan — backed by Member State guarantees.
And now:
€800 billion is demanded for “operations”
€700 billion for Ukraine’s army

Yet no one answers the most basic question: how do you defeat a nuclear power without triggering nuclear weapons?

Meanwhile, this report from the WSJ on a failed NATO military exercise is alarming:

Russia and Ukraine have shown the world the future of warfare—and America and its allies aren’t ready for it. That’s the lesson of a major exercise that North Atlantic Treaty Organization members conducted in Estonia last May. What transpired during the exercise, with the details reported here for the first time, exposed serious tactical shortcomings and vulnerabilities in high-intensity drone combat.

The exercise, known as Hedgehog 2025, involved more than 16,000 troops from 12 NATO countries who drilled alongside Ukrainian drone experts, including soldiers borrowed from the front line. It simulated a “contested and congested” battlefield with various kinds of drones, says Lt. Col. Arbo Probal, head of the unmanned systems program for the Estonian Defence Forces. “The aim was really to create friction, the stress for units, and the cognitive overload as soon as possible,” he says. That tests the soldiers’ ability to adapt under fire.

More:

A single team of some 10 Ukrainians, acting as the adversary, counterattacked the NATO forces. In about half a day they mock-destroyed 17 armored vehicles and conducted 30 “strikes” on other targets.

…Multiple sources told the story of one commander, who observed the drill and concluded, “We are f—.”

Look, the Ukraine war, which was brand-new the last time Orban ran for re-election (2022), was a big reason he won. Hungarians have no special love for Russia, which invaded their country infamously in 1956 to suppress an uprising, and which held it captive for over 40 years. But they understand what a war with Russia stands to do to their country, which is a lot closer to the front lines than France and Germany, and they don’t want it. They don’t understand why they should sacrifice their country for Ukraine, which is not even in NATO. And they’re right. Most Americans — probably most of my American readers, even — back Ukraine, but I ask you to consider how you would feel if you had to face Russian missiles and Russian drone swarms devastating your towns and cities. That’s what Europeans, especially those in what we used to call “Eastern Europe”, would face.

If Russia attacked NATO, then we would have no choice but to fight. But to bring Ukraine into the EU under these conditions, while not making it officially part of NATO, would be a distinction without practical difference. And if European militaries were to attack Russia, and Russia responded (as of course it would be compelled to), that means, under the terms of the NATO Treaty, that the US would have to respond militarily as part of its treaty obligations.

Are Americans ready for that? Because this is what’s coming.

‘Gott Mit Uns’: German Churches And World War I

There is nothing good about being flat on your back with mono, but I’m trying to make the best of it by reading, reading, reading. I read a couple of books about the role of religion in Germany during World War I, with an eye towards understanding how losing the war affected the religious sense of the German people in the 1920s. Philip Jenkins’s book The Great And Holy War is about how the Great Powers — all of them — sold the war to their publics as a sacred cause is a great resource. Jenkins points out that no country’s religious authorities did this more than Germany’s.

Historian Jason Crouthamel’s book Trauma, Religion and Spirituality in Germany during the First World War focuses exclusively on Germany. There was in Wilhelmine Germany a very close connection between the Protestant church and the state. But nearly all religious leaders, including Catholic ones, were behind the war effort in full force, characterizing it as a German Christian jihad. This nationalist idealism did not survive the trenches:

As the mass slaughter of industrialized warfare unfolded, and religious language became increasingly divorced from nationalistic conceptions of God as a force for courage, patriotism, and sacrifice, language about God focused on the capriciousness of life and death as well as God’s will and role in this irrational front experience. An interesting tension can be found in the correspondence between the home and combat fronts.

While men and women often struggled to exert agency through their imagination of God as a savior and protector, the sense that one did not actually have any control also pervaded letters and diaries. For many, God was not so much “with us,” as the dominant rhetoric promised. Rather, he seemed to be a remote, incomprehensible, and mysterious arbiter of a colossal, apocalyptic accident. The importance of fatalistic religious language has been analyzed by a number of historians because of its function as a coping mechanism for soldiers who struggled with an increasingly chaotic environment.

However, beyond its role as a coping mechanism, fatalistic thinking also signaled a shift to more personal and increasingly subjective thinking about religion. If God is remote and capricious, perhaps other spiritual-religious tools were needed to protect one from danger? The breakdown of the spirit of 1914 would lay the groundwork for religious experimentation, improvisation, and invention…

In the 1920s, that included a generalized weakening of faith in Christian authorities, the eventual Nazification of some on the Protestant side (because the loss of a war that had been sold as God’s Cause was psychologically unbearable), and an acceleration of pre-war interest in the occult.

In this past issue of this newsletter, I linked to a 1993 Fordham paper (no longer available online) about occultism in pre-Bolshevik and post-Bolshevik Russia points out, occultism rises in times of great national stress. More:

By the 1890s, the impersonality of the burgeoning cities, the perceived threat of mass democracy to culture and higher values, increasing class conflict and ethnic strife, combine d to foster rejection of liberalism, rationalism, materialism, and positivism by an ever growing number of artists and intellectuals . Occult ideas combined with radical political doctrines o f both left and right, with apocalypticism both Christian and secular, and with the anti-rationalist philosophies of Nietzsche, and to a lesser extent, of Bergson, fostered contempt for the “bourgeois values” of peace and prosperity.

These trends sprang forth with even greater vehemence after the Great War, and continued through the 1920s. Indeed, in the eyes of many people, including occultists, the Great War confirmed the bankruptcy of rational civilization. Occultists had a natural affinity for extreme political doctrines. That Naziism had occult roots is generally known, but occult doctrines and beliefs entered into Bolshevism and Stalinism as well, as we shall see. The Nazi mystique of blood and soil was bound up with Blavatsky’s idea that certain “root races,” in which she included Jews and Gypsies, were obsolete. She did not say that they should be exterminated, but some German occultists did. Some French occultists had demonized Jews as well . Just as the French Revolution was labelled a masonic conspiracy, the Bolshevik Revolution was attributed to a “Judeo-Masonic conspiracy.”

Note this:

For most of the 19th century, interest in the occult by the Russian elite was confined to a few circles, but in the 1880s the cultural climate began to change. The fading appeal of the official Orthodox Church, the spiritually unsatisfying atheism and positivism of the intelligentsia, the destabilizing impact of the rapid industrialization of the 1890s, political upheaval, cultural disintegration, and the association of rationalism and materialism with the West, combined to create a climate of personal confusion and religious quest which was receptive to the occult.

You would have thought occultism would have vanished under the reign of militant Bolshevik atheism. Nope, it just morphed:

Occultism was an element in Soviet culture as well. The line between magic and science disappeared in the utopianism of the early Soviet period . Hopes formerly invested in religion and magic were transferred to technology and science.

I believe we are seeing, and will continue to see, the same sort of transformation in post-Christian America — not just literal occultism, but a techno-futuristic form, likely associated with AI.

Over the weekend, I read an advance copy of Diana Pasulka’s forthcoming book, The Others. It won’t be out till summer, so I can’t write about it just yet. I have some disputes with the later chapters, but it is overall, I think, her most important book yet. And it deals in part with this very issue. I was startled and pleased to see the attention she gives to Arthur C. Clarke’s 1950s sci-fi classic Childhood’s End, which Pasulka — like me in this post from a year ago — sees as prophetic. I’ll return to this theme later this year, as we get closer to the release of Pasulka’s book.

How One Liberal Left Atheism

Here’s an interesting confession in the New Yorker by Christopher Beha, about how he left atheism to return to the Catholicism of his childhood. One big reason: he realized that liberalism cannot sustain itself without God. Excerpts:

Most people who subscribe to scientific materialism take it to be so obviously correct that it could not be denied by any rational person who truly understood it. But my reading showed me that this world view has its shortcomings. The most basic is perhaps inherent to any world view at all: it rests on a set of principles which often can’t be proven, even by the standards of proof the world view embraces. The general principle that all real knowledge is derived from sense perception of material facts cannot itself be derived from the perception of facts in the world, and thus can’t really be sanctioned by scientific materialism’s own methods. Indeed, no general principle can be. The very legitimacy of deriving general principles from the particulars of experience can never be established from experience without already having the principle in hand.

More:

After nearly twenty years of searching unsuccessfully for a livable atheist world view, I began, in my mid-thirties, to entertain the possibility that atheism itself might be part of the problem. There were many steps from here to my eventual return to robust belief, but I started with the notion that for me the authentic life might be one of faith—one that recognized the existence of both the external material world and the internal ideational world and sought to reconcile them, and one that accepted an absolute foundation to things and attempted to understand, in some provisional and imperfect way, the nature of this foundation and what it wanted from me.

He says that many on the postliberal Left and postliberal Right have succumbed to the illiberal Nietzschean view that politics is all about power:

Meanwhile, the failure of these traditions to respond adequately to the challenge is bound up with the problem identified by their earliest proponents: they have a very hard time articulating their foundational justification. When liberalism runs smoothly, it does a remarkable job delivering the goods it promises. For most people, this is a sufficient achievement to quiet any worries about its philosophical underpinnings. But when many people within liberal societies do not feel that the system is working, when the practical case for liberalism comes into question, secular liberals don’t have much else to go on.

Read it all. It is consonant with the liberal historian Tom Holland’s view that liberalism needs the Christian God.

Whatever Happened To Anglo-Saxons?

Paul Birch observes that in Britain, professional historians are now trying to erase the Anglo-Saxon founders of the nation from history. “The Anglo-Saxons were not the only makers of England, but they were the pivotal ones,” he says. Excerpt:

The intelligentsia’s discomfort is not about evidence. It is about implications. To acknowledge a foundational Anglo-Saxon ethno-cultural core is to concede that Britain, like every historic nation, emerged from particular peoples and not abstract processes. That continuity exists. That heritage has demographic as well as institutional roots.

But this jars with the governing worldview of the contemporary Anglophone elite, who prefer their respective nations to be framed as administrative constructs: fluid, interchangeable, and morally weightless. In that worldview, majority European ancestry is something to be obfuscated rather than championed. Foundational status implies legitimacy; legitimacy implies inheritance; inheritance implies boundaries. Thus, they have the incentive to rhetorically thin the founders out.

As ever, the American culture wars have further poisoned the well. In the United States, ‘Anglo-Saxon’ became entangled with critiques of ‘WASP power’ and racial hierarchy (the acronym ‘WASP’ stands for white Anglo-Saxon Protestant). Rather than disentangle historical terminology from modern political misuse, British institutions have imported this anxiety wholesale. The solution was not clarification but avoidance. If extremists misuse a term, the term must go.

If activists dislike a label, the label is retired. Historical precision becomes subordinate to reputational risk.

What makes the pattern unmistakable is its asymmetry. No campaign exists to rename the Roman Empire for fear of imperial associations. No one proposes retiring the word ‘Viking’ because of raiding ultra-violence. Indigenous ethnonyms worldwide are defended—quite rightly—as essential to cultural dignity. Only the Anglo-Saxons are deemed too dangerous to name. Sensitivity, it seems, only operates in one direction.

Why is it, he rightly wonders, that the only nations that are not allowed to celebrate their roots are European ones?

Life Lessons From The Tipi Loschi

An American Catholic Substacker named Abigail lived with my dear Italian friends the Tipi Loschi — the Catholic community in San Benedetto del Tronto, featured prominently in The Benedict Option — and writes here about some things she learned about community. Excerpt:

After my first year of college I had the distinct and life altering privilege to spend several years (broken up into several different trips) living and working in a Catholic lay community dedicated to Saint Pier Giorgio Frassati in Italy. I hit the tarmac at Fiumicino a few weeks before I turned twenty, and spoke only enough Italian to get on the right bus and order a coffee. I was living with a host family and working at the school that the community ran - I was overwhelmed, I was in love with and at odds with the lifestyle almost immediately. It was an incredible experience for which I will always be very grateful, and brought into focus for me a sort of community living that I’d never seen before. I would not be able to give a proper synthesis of all the varied goals of this community - they are out there living in a very radical and very ordinary way, an intentional lay community now on its third generation. While many of the families live near each other, most do not live in any sort of common area (though there is a property that everyone tends to and gathers at frequently) and some are spread out farther from the city center than others - they were just very intentional about meeting together, working together, going to Mass together, etc. They have founded a school, a cooperative, a recycling center, a print shop, and many more initiatives that both serve their community and employ their members. It is their goal that life ought not be done alone, that work and prayer and leisure and suffering are meant to be done in tandem with other friends, for the greater glory of God and for the betterment of neighbor, and thus society.

Most everyone in the community knew everyone else, (when I was there this was easily 150+ people) and newcomers became known quantities very rapidly. People’s triumphs and struggles were much more in the open than we are used to as Americans. Health issues, romantic lives, finances, disappointments and dreams were all much more on the table for everyone to see and understand. I had never and have never since experienced a sort of holistic community where the people I prayed were also the people I ate with, worked with, partied with, and argued with. It was glorious and uncomfortable - not without its own downsides, of course, and several times my American privacy sensibilities were more than a little violated. Why are you trying to do this task alone? Why don’t we have Laura help you? Are you volunteering for this only to spend more time with that boy? You shouldn’t be eating dinner alone - go to Chiara’s house, ask her if you can help cook.

That first year in particular was a lesson for me that to be in community means to be vulnerable, and to an American who is used to doing things completely alone and independently, a community at first can feel like a limiting factor. Part of the choice to begin facilitating a village is to commit to doing things with other people even if it not the most expedient or convenient thing in the world, and to swallow your pride and admit in the public sphere that you cannot do everything alone.

I’m telling you, if I were Catholic, or if there were an Orthodox parish in or near San Benedetto del Tronto, I would pick up and relocate there to share the lives of these great and generous Christians. It’s not easy to get to San Benedetto — it’s rather inconveniently located on Italy’s Adriatic Coast — but if you want to see what the good life in Christian community is like, you should pay them a visit.

A Proud Israeli Christian

Shadi Khalloul has some words for Tucker Qatarlson. He quotes Tucker here:

But if the deeper question is, “Where do Christians feel more comfortable in Qatar or Israel?”, I mean, it’s sort of hard to know what people actually think. So maybe the best way to measure that is by where they live. So there are twice as many Christians living in Qatar as there are in Israel. Twice as many. At least twice as many. Did you know that?

And Khalloul responds:

Yes, there are roughly twice as many Christians in Qatar as in Israel — about 400,000 versus 188,000. But let’s get the facts straight. The Christians living in Qatar are almost entirely migrant workers, people who have no legal rights as citizens.

...There are exactly six government-sanctioned churches in Qatar. Six churches serving hundreds of thousands of people. And to make it even worse, they are all right next to each other under the close supervision of the government.

To be clear, it is illegal for Qatari citizens to convert from Islam to Christianity, and Qataris are not allowed to enter Christian churches. In fact, every person entering a church in Qatar must submit an ID.

The migrant workers who do attend often live and work under conditions that have been widely condemned as modern-day slavery.

Contrast that with Israel, a country where Christians are fully recognized citizens, including my community of indigenous Aramean Maronite Christians. We vote, we serve in the military, and we even hold elected office in the Knesset. Israel’s Christians are not confined to a single gated area or monitored by state authorities. We are free to worship openly, participate in society, and contribute to the nation’s cultural and political life.

There are more Baptist churches in Israel (17) than there are total churches in Qatar. In fact, Israel is the only country in the Middle East where the native Christian communities are growing. Carlson took the only possible data points to show anything positive about Christian existence in Qatar and still got it all wrong.

Human Rights Campaign Shakedown In Retreat

In Live Not By Lies, I wrote about how the powerful LGBT lobby Human Rights Campaign enforces woke loyalty over corporations, who bend over backwards (ahem) to stay in its good graces. Tyler O’Neil reports that that has changed. Excerpt:

The Human Rights Campaign has long employed mafia-like tactics to pressure companies to toe the line on gender ideology, but a growing chorus of critics, assisted by President Donald Trump’s second administration, has led companies to reconsider their alliances with the organization.

About three-quarters of all Fortune 500 companies (377) disclosed their business practices to HRC in 2025, so the LGBTQ activist group could rate them on its Corporate Equality Index. This year, however, only 131 companies are working with HRC—a 65% drop.

This represents a massive hit to the transgender industrial complex, but conservatives shouldn’t rest on their laurels. In the very press release where HRC admits its massive losses, it touts its abiding impact: the companies still working with HRC employ over 22 million Americans.

Good news — but the fight is still on. It appears that rather than taking its stunning gay rights victories and going home, the HRC overextended itself by taking up the unpopular transgender cause, and is paying a price. Not yet enough of one!

Read full Article
February 10, 2026
The Woman Time Conversion Chart
From the Crazy Old Man SubStack

The Woman Time Conversion Chart

A survival guide for men who’ve been “five minutes” away from leaving the house since 2019

Feb 9
 
 
 
 
 
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6:47 PM.

Dinner reservation is at 7:00.

You’ve been ready since 6:15. Showered. Dressed. Wallet. Keys. Standing by the door like a retriever who heard the word “walk” forty-five minutes ago.

She emerges from the bathroom.

“Five more minutes.”

You nod. You sit down. You turn on the TV.

At 7:23, you will be backing out of the driveway while she applies mascara in the passenger seat using the visor mirror and somehow not dying.

At 7:31, you will be explaining to the hostess that you had a “reservation for 7” with the energy of someone who has stopped believing in the concept of linear time.

Because here’s what women taught me:

Women do not experience time the same way men do.

This isn’t a complaint. This isn’t even criticism.

This is anthropology.

I am merely documenting a phenomenon that every man on Earth has observed but none of us have had the courage to catalog.

Until now.

  • • •

THE OFFICIAL CONVERSION CHART

I have spent decades in the field. I have collected data. I have cross-referenced observations with other married men in hushed conversations at barbecues while our wives were inside “just grabbing their purses.”

(They were not just grabbing their purses. They were never just grabbing their purses.)

Here is what I’ve learned:


“Five minutes” = 35 minutes

This is the baseline conversion. The fundamental constant. The speed of light in the female time-space continuum.

“Five minutes” is not a measurement of time. It’s a category. It means “I have acknowledged your impatience and I am signaling that departure is conceptually on the horizon.”

Five minutes is the distance between “almost ready” and whenever she actually walks through the door. It is a quantum state. It exists in superposition…simultaneously almost over and potentially infinite.

Schrödinger’s Five Minutes.


“Almost done” = Hasn’t started the thing you’re waiting for

This one took me years to crack.

“Almost done” means she has completed several tasks you were unaware were required, but has not yet begun the task you assumed was the only task.

You thought getting ready was: shower, dress, go.

Getting ready is actually: shower, dry hair, style hair, first outfit, reconsider outfit, second outfit, reconsider shoes, makeup base, wait for base to set, actual makeup, jewelry selection, jewelry reconsideration, purse transfer, find phone, find keys, one more mirror check, lip thing, and THEN go.

She is “almost done” with step 4 of 17.

You are not leaving soon.


“Just one more thing” = Three hours minimum

Do NOT let this phrase fool you. “Just one more thing” is not a thing. It is a Russian nesting doll of things.

The “one thing” is Target. But Target contains twelve things. One of those things reminds her of another thing at a different store. That store is “right there” (it is not right there). That store triggers a memory of something she needed to return. The return place is “on the way” (it is not on the way).

“Just one more thing” is how Saturday errands that were supposed to take an hour become a full expedition that ends at 4 PM with you sitting in a parking lot eating Chick-fil-A in defeated silence while she texts her sister about something unrelated to any of the things.


“On my way” = Still on the couch

I have verified this with GPS data.

“On my way” means “I have mentally committed to the concept of leaving.” She has not stood up. She has not located her keys. She has not gone to the bathroom one last time (she will go to the bathroom one last time…this is unavoidable).

“On my way” is the announcement of intent. It is the starting gun that signals the beginning of the pre-departure sequence.

The pre-departure sequence takes eleven to nineteen minutes depending on variables I have not yet isolated.


“Ready when you are” = Needs 20 more minutes but is testing you

This is a trap.

If you say “okay let’s go,” she will say “just let me...” and then three things happen that each take seven minutes.

If you say “take your time,” she will take time. Lots of time. Time you didn’t know existed.

The correct response is: “I’ll be in the car.” Then go sit in the car. Play on your phone. Accept your fate. She will emerge when she emerges. The car is Switzerland.


“Give me a second” = Give her several minutes

“second” is not a unit of time. A “second” is a request for patience of undefined duration.

One second to find her chapstick can take four minutes if the chapstick is not in the first purse she checks. And it is never in the first purse.


“Let me just change real quick” = You should have brought a book

“Real quick” is doing a lot of heavy lifting in this sentence.

She will emerge in the first outfit, ask your opinion, interpret your opinion incorrectly, return to the closet, and emerge in a second outfit that looks identical to you but is apparently “completely different.”

Your job is to notice the difference. You will not notice the difference. This will be a problem.


“I’ll be right there” = Start a new activity, you have time

“Right there” is a location in space, not time. She will BE “right there” eventually. The journey to “right there” has no ETA.

I once started watching a movie after she said “I’ll be right there.”

She emerged for the last twenty minutes.

She asked what she missed.

Everything. She missed everything.


“Running a little late” = The original departure time was a fiction

“Running late” implies there was a schedule. There was never a schedule. There was a suggestion of a schedule. An aspiration. A hope.

“A little late” means recalculate your entire timeline. If you were meeting people at 6, tell them 6:45 but expect 7:15.

The people you’re meeting already know this. If they’re married, they’re running late too. Everyone is running late. The whole system runs on lateness. Restaurants that take reservations have built this into their models.


“I just need to grab my purse” = The purse is a decoy

She’s not grabbing her purse. She’s performing a final sweep of the house that includes checking her hair one more time, adjusting something on her face, possibly changing her earrings, definitely checking her phone, and remembering one thing she forgot to do that will take “just a second.” (See Above…)

The purse will be grabbed. Eventually. After several other things are grabbed, adjusted, and reconsidered.


“Almost ready, just doing my makeup” = You might want to eat something

Makeup is not A task. Makeup is several tasks performed in a specific order with drying time built in between layers.

I don’t understand it. I’ve watched it happen hundreds of times and I still don’t understand it. There are primers and bases and things that need to “set” and other things that can’t be applied until the first things have set.

It’s like watching someone build a house. You can’t put up drywall before the framing is done. You can’t do the... eye thing... before the other eye thing has dried.

I have learned to nod and not ask questions.


  • • •

THE EVOLUTIONARY BIOLOGY DEFENSE

Now, some women reading this are getting ready to send me emails.

“This is sexist.”

“Not all women.”

“My husband takes longer than I do.”

First: I don’t doubt it. Men have our own time distortions.

“I’ll take a look at it this weekend” = never.

“Just gonna run to Home Depot” = three hours.

“Watching the end of this game” = the game, the postgame, and highlights.

We’re not innocent.

But here’s the thing I’ve learned:

Her extra time is not wasted time.

One day I actually watched what she was doing.

She was preparing to be SEEN.

Not by me…I’d see her in sweatpants covered in dog hair and think she was beautiful. But by the world. By other women who would notice her shoes. By her own reflection that she’d catch in the restaurant window.

She was assembling armor. She was constructing a version of herself she felt confident presenting to a world that judges women on appearance in ways men will never fully understand.

While I threw on the same shorts I wore last time and called it good, she was making seventeen decisions about how she wanted to feel for the next four hours.

That takes time.

Maybe the time is the point.


  • • •

THE FIELD NOTES

Some additional observations from my years of research:

The Proximity Paradox: The closer you get to on-time, the more things she remembers she needs to do. At 30 minutes before departure, she’s calm. At 5 minutes before, she suddenly needs to switch purses, find different earrings, and “just send one quick text.”

The Outfit Recursion Loop: If she asks “what do you think?” about an outfit, there is no correct answer. “You look great” = you didn’t really look. Specific compliment = you’re only noticing that one thing. “Maybe try the other one?” = you don’t like this one. Silence = you hate it.

Just say “you look great” and mean it. She’ll change anyway but at least she’ll change feeling supported.

The Departure Fake-Out: She will pick up her purse and walk toward the door. You will stand up, hopeful. She will suddenly remember something and veer off toward the bathroom/closet/kitchen. This will happen between one and four times per departure.

Do not get excited until her hand is on the car door.

The Car Continuation: Getting in the car is not the end. It’s a transition. She will finish her makeup using the visor mirror. She will check her phone. She will ask if you have [item] even though you always have [item]. The car is an extension of the getting-ready space.

The Arrival Recovery: After being 35 minutes late, she will walk into the event like nothing happened. She will receive compliments on her appearance. She will socialize effortlessly. You will stand there, still recovering from the time dilation you just experienced, eating a cube of cheese and wondering if time is real.


  • • •

THE ACCEPTANCE

I used to fight this.

I used to show up at the bathroom door. “We’re gonna be late.” “What’s taking so long?” “You said five minutes twenty minutes ago.”

This accomplished nothing.

The timeline was never going to change. I was just adding stress to a process that was going to take however long it was going to take.

Now?

Now I’ve adapted.

Departure time minus 45 minutes = When I tell her we need to leave

My ready time = Whenever I feel like it, because I’ll be waiting regardless

Book in the car = Standard equipment

Emotional state = Acceptance, bordering on Zen

She’s going to take the time she’s going to take. The restaurant will hold the table. The movie has twenty minutes of previews anyway. The party doesn’t really start until 30 minutes after it “starts.”

The whole system is built on flexible time.

I was the only one who didn’t get the memo.


P.S. My buddy Mark told his wife they had to be somewhere at 5:30 when they actually had to be there at 6:15.

She figured it out within two events and now adds 45 minutes to whatever time he gives her.

They’re locked in a temporal arms race.

Neither of them will win.

But they’ve been married 31 years, so maybe that IS winning.

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February 09, 2026
Race Power Politics For Me, But not for Thee
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Race Power Politics For Me, But Not For Thee

And: Literal Ben Op; Power & Culture; Santorum Redux; Shavian Magic; 'Mein Cheeks'

Feb 9
 
 
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Texas Democratic legislative leader Gene Wu advocates a non-white alliance ‘to take over this country.’ And we wonder why young white males are radicalizing…

Here is a prime example of the Weimarization of America — to be specific, what is driving an already unstable polity closer to the brink. Click on this link to hear what the Chinese-American leader of the Democrats in the Texas (!) state legislature says. Quote: “Non-whites share the same oppressor, and we are the majority now. We can take over this country.”

You all well know that I fear and loathe the racialized radicalism of white males on the Right, but damn it, the Left got there first, and continues to push it. You cannot create a politics based on non-white racial identity, and expect whites not to respond in kind, if only for self-protection. The path to illiberal-left identity politics embraced by Democrats and the Left more broadly has led to this.

Meghan McCain points out that people on the Left who miss her normie Republican father are forgetting how they demonized him, and later mainstream Republican politicians, a process that led to, well, take it away, Wilfred Reilly (who is black):

  

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The Literal Benedict Option

  

That’s a tweet from a leading pagan thinker — and history supports his conclusion. Monasticism exploded in the late fourth century, throughout the fifth century, as the Western Roman Empire was in its death throes. They were escaping a doomed world without purpose. I shared this information with a priest last night, who reported that the abbot of a traditional Orthodox monastery told him that since Covid, they have had so many young men flocking to their monastery, hoping to join, that they can scarcely accommodate them. Sign of the times.

Power And Culture

Did you watch the Super Bowl? I didn’t. Could not possibly care less. But TPUSA tried to counterprogram the Bad Bunny halftime show. Didn’t work. Thus:

  

He’s not wrong about the culture, but I gotta ask: how will political power be deployed to advance the culture that Engel prefers? Hard to imagine a democratic way of doing this. Engel knows this, and doesn’t care. He’s into racial identity politics … but on what grounds would Gene Wu fault him without being a racist hypocrite?

Today’s ‘Rick Santorum Vindication’ News

The C. Jay Engelses come from somewhere. Back in the Olden Times, in 2003, when your correspondent was but a thirtysomething, then-US Sen. Rick Santorum gave an interview in which he commented on the sodomy law case then before the Supreme Court. Excerpts from the transcript:

[Santorum]: I have no problem with homosexuality. I have a problem with homosexual acts. As I would with acts of other, what I would consider to be, acts outside of traditional heterosexual relationships. And that includes a variety of different acts, not just homosexual. I have nothing, absolutely nothing against anyone who’s homosexual. If that’s their orientation, then I accept that. And I have no problem with someone who has other orientations. The question is, do you act upon those orientations? So it’s not the person, it’s the person’s actions. And you have to separate the person from their actions.

And then:

[Santorum:] In every society, the definition of marriage has not ever to my knowledge included homosexuality. That’s not to pick on homosexuality. It’s not, you know, man on child, man on dog, or whatever the case may be. It is one thing. And when you destroy that you have a dramatic impact on the quality—

[Reporter:]I’m sorry, I didn’t think I was going to talk about “man on dog” with a United States Senator. It’s sort of freaking me out.

[Santorum]: And that’s sort of where we are in today’s world, unfortunately.

By 2015, ex-Sen. Santorum had been tamed, saying he very much regrets his dog-on-man remark, and, of Bruce Jenner, “If he says he’s a woman, then he’s a woman.”

Well, if you have a strong stomach, here’s a story from Wales about Darren Meah-Moore, a well-known (as in, was once on RuPaul’s Drag Race) local drag queen was found dead, in full drag, after a night of sexual debauchery that ended with him having sex with a number of men in a local park. One of the men was a gay bloke out walking his dog late at night, and who took advantage of the opportunity to pleasure himself with Meah-Moore … until the dog joined in, and the dog-walker lost interest. Meah-Moore instructed his insta-lover to leave the tumescent dog alone. The coroner found sexual, um, residue from both man and beast inside Meah-Moore’s body.

From the story:

He performed CPR until paramedics took over but Meah-Moore was pronounced dead at the scene. The inquest heard tributes from Meah-Moore's father and husband [emphasis mine — RD] who described him as "caring" and "right at the heart of Cardiff's gay community".

Charming. A gay community leader. Now, there can be no doubt that Santorum’s 2003 remarks were ill-advised, to put it charitably. We have had gay marriage for some time now, thanks to the 2015 Obergefell decision, which drew on the 2003 Lawrence decision decriminalizing sodomy. I am unaware that we have seen an upsurge in man-on-dog action as a result. Nor am I aware that the public has become more accepting of bestiality as a result. So Santorum was wrong, in a meaningful sense.

Nevertheless, it’s worth considering Santorum’s point in light of Meah-Moore’s disgraceful end. In the Lawrence decision, the always-perspicacious Justice Antonin Scalia, in his dissent (scroll down) from the pro-sodomy majority, pointed out that if the State has no right to set laws barring certain forms of sexual conduct, then we have a sexual free-for-all. In Lawrence, the court held that the state has no right to forbid consensual sodomy — but, said Scalia, the rationale it used would mean that no law forbidding any consensual sexual activity could stand. From his dissent:

The Texas statute undeniably seeks to further the belief of its citizens that certain forms of sexual behavior are “immoral and unacceptable,” Bowers, supra, at 196—the same interest furthered by criminal laws against fornication, bigamy, adultery, adult incest, bestiality, and obscenity. Bowers held that this was a legitimate state interest. The Court today reaches the opposite conclusion. The Texas statute, it says, “furthers no legitimate state interest which can justify its intrusion into the personal and private life of the individual,” ante, at 578 (emphasis added). The Court embraces instead Justice Stevens’ declaration in his Bowers dissent, that “ ‘the fact that the governing majority in a State has traditionally viewed a particular practice as immoral is not a sufficient reason for upholding a law prohibiting the practice,’ ” ante, at 577. This effectively decrees the end of all morals legislation. If, as the Court asserts, the promotion of majoritarian sexual morality is not even a legitimate state interest, none of the above-mentioned laws can survive rational-basis review.

Scalia clarified that for him, this is not about homosexuality per se, but about the right of a democratic people to enact their own moral standards into law. He pointed out that the fact that Texas was at the time one of the few states to still have anti-sodomy laws on its books was a sign of how successful gay activists and their allies had been at persuading people, democratically, to overturn them. Said Scalia:

But persuading one’s fellow citizens is one thing, and imposing one’s views in absence of democratic majority will is something else. I would no more require a State to criminalize homosexual acts—or, for that matter, display any moral disapprobation of them—than I would forbid it to do so.

He went on:

One of the benefits of leaving regulation of this matter to the people rather than to the courts is that the people, unlike judges, need not carry things to their logical conclusion.

Translation: if this kind of thing is left up to legislatures, then they can decriminalize sodomy without having to decriminalize other sexual acts that deviate from the heterosexual norm. (This, by the way, is why I opposed the Texas sodomy law even back in 2003, despite considering sodomy to be gravely sinful; yet I agreed with Scalia’s dissent for precisely the reasons he gave.)

Based on the reasoning in Lawrence, I don’t understand on what logical basis the courts would be able to uphold morals laws in any matter involving “consent.” In the case of Meah-Moore and Fido, the fact that Fido was the active party in that coupling is prima facie evidence that Fido consented to the evil act. Had Meah-Moore enjoyed his final canoodle with Fido in an American park, it would no doubt have broken the law (I presume anti-bestiality laws are still on the books), but on what logical grounds is bestiality considered illegal? Consent? Seems pretty thin, especially in a case in which the human is the passive partner.

Which, I think, is the point Santorum inelegantly tried to make.

I remember back in those Olden Times, we were assured that legalizing same-sex marriage would tame the passions of gay men in the same way marriage tames the passions of straight men: by channeling them into a binding commitment to a single partner. I wonder what Meah-Moore’s widower thinks about that.

There’s something about this ugly case that reminds me of the plot of Arthur C. Clarke’s 1950s sci-fi novel Childhood’s End, in which the aliens who come to rule the earth do not reveal themselves until many decades had passed, and humanity had had engineered out of its collective imagination the traditional image of demons with horns, hooves, and tails. Because that’s exactly how the alien rulers look! That is to say, by the time the rulers reveal themselves, people have forgotten — or, to be precise, been made to forget, what demons look like.

Drag queens and transvestites have been with us for ages, but only in the last thirty years or so were they normalized, and seen not as a form of clown (at best) or degenerate at worst. Now we have people taking their children to Drag Queen Story Hour, and little boys who dress as women celebrated on national TV. Fortunately, we are still a society that recoils in horror at what Meah-Moore got up to in the park that night. For now. But ask yourself: why is what he did illegal?

You might say, “He did it in public.” OK, but what if it had happened in his own home? The US Supreme Court declared in Lawrence that if people decide to engage in sodomy in their own dwellings, it is no business of the state. And I agree with that result (the lawsuit had been brought by a Texas gay couple who had been charged with sodomy after police entered their home and caught them in flagrante). But as Scalia said, the legal reasoning the Supreme Court used to get to that result in principle kicks out the supports for any morals legislation.

Again, “consent” is a tissue-thin barrier to any number of inhuman acts. As disgusting as you no doubt find what Meah-Moore did, would you consider that it ought to be legal, at least in private, on the grounds that it was a private, consensual act? If not, why not? If the animal had been the passive partner, you could have said it was a case of animal abuse. But the dog was the active partner, who willingly participated.

To use the Court’s language, what is the “legitimate state interest” that justifies intrusion of the state into the private life of Darren Meah-Moore, if he chose to make his body available for the sexual gratification of a dog, especially in private?

I know it’s a revolting thing to consider, but here we are. What are the legal grounds to continue to forbid polygamy among consenting adults? What about forbidding incest between two consenting adults who are sterile (meaning that they cannot produce children)? In the UK, first cousin marriage remains legal, even though the Pakistani community there, which still practices it, has an unusually high percentage of mental and physical defectives produced by incest (e.g., Pakistani Britons account for only 3 percent of the population, but produce 30 percent of children born with serious genetic defects). You could justify banning consanguinous sex on the grounds that incest produces disabled offspring, but again, what if the partners are sterile?

So much of the moral order depends on the collective memory of Christianity, which provided grounding in authoritative transcendence as the basis for law. And that is disappearing. Don’t be surprised when illiberal right-wingers like Engel arise to say there’s no saving this corrupt democratic order, because liberalism has rotted the moral judgment of the people. I’m not endorsing that view; I’m just saying its comprehensible in Weimar America. And it will increasingly be persuasive.

Once more: the legalization of sodomy, and then of same-sex marriage, did not produce a mania for bestiality (though the idea that extending marriage to same-sex couples would curb homosexual male rutting has been disproven; most gay male marriages allow for extramarital sex). Still, the moral question remains: why is bestiality illegal, given that “yuck!” is not considered a sufficient legal argument?

Martin Shaw’s Travels

In more upbuilding news, I got this from a reader who went to see Martin Shaw in Pittsburgh the other night:

Martin was here!

I learned of the event after it was already sold out. With some luck and more than a touch of Grace I managed to get a ticket anyway.

A friend asked me this morning how things went. This is what I said:

“It was like when you stand on a beach and hear the water coming in wave after wave and you notice a stillness as the water recedes, and then how in the rhythm of the crashing waves there’s also a stillness. And, how before you know it you are still inside and everything else fades into the background. Everything except the awe, wonder, and the love the deepest part of you recognized when your toes touched the sand.”

Thank you for introducing me/us to Martin’s work.

Martin is on a book tour in the US behind Liturgies Of The Wild: Myths That Make Us.

Here he is in a teaser for a new video course, “Tales Of Christian Initiation,” telling the story of Ruth and Boaz. Please watch to get an idea of his charisma.

I’m telling you, if you have the chance to see and hear this man live, take it! And while you’re at it, subscribe to “The House Of Beasts & Vines,” Martin’s Substack. Finally, here’s a link to the Martin Shaw website, which features prominently a quote from none other than Iain McGilchrist, who describes Martin as “our greatest living storyteller.” I believe it.

Martin will appear at the Orthodox Christian Arts Festival this Friday night. It will be held in an Orthodox church in Carrollton, TX (DFW area). Go! You won’t regret it.

Clavicular’s Really Bad Arizona Weekend

It seems that the celebrated Zoomer weirdo who goes by the name Clavicular, and who taps on his cheekbones with a hammer to “looksmaxx” himself, found himself in an uncomfortable situation over the weekend:

  

What on earth does that mean? This tweet breaks down the slang for you, my fellow Olds. Meanwhile, enjoy Charlie Cooke’s Wodehousian take on the matter:

“Jeeves,” I said, “you look . . . pensive.”
“I confess to a slight concern, sir.”
That, from Jeeves, is rather like hearing that the Bank of England has “a slight concern” about the stability of the pound. It makes you sit up.
“Concern, Jeeves?”
“Concern, sir. I ran into Lady Flashcome this morning, who informed me that that, last night at the Drones, Viscount Clavicular was mid jestergooning, when a group of Foids came and spiked his Cortisol levels.”
“Well, I’m bound!” I said, nodding the old bean. “So that’s what it is, is it? Most interesting.”
I paused.
“Jeeves?”
“Yes, sir.”
“I confess I didn’t quite follow that.”
“Understandable, sir. The essential question, as I understand it, is whether ignoring the foids while munting and mogging moids is more useful than SMV chadfishing in the club.”
“Come again, Jeeves,” I said, for though I had caught the words as they came out, the meaning had slipped past me like one of those greased eels making a dash for the open sea.
“In plain terms, sir, the speaker is asking whether it is more advantageous, in a social setting, to disregard women entirely while attempting to dominate or impress other men through vulgarity and competitive posturing, rather than attempting to attract women by means of artificially inflating one’s perceived desirability—particularly through the presentation of a false identity suggesting superior physical attractiveness and social value.”
I stared.
“In other words,” Jeeves continued smoothly, “it is a comparison between two strategies for attaining social status: one based upon humiliating rivals and cultivating masculine hierarchy, and the other based upon deceiving prospective romantic partners by misrepresenting one’s own attractiveness.”
He coughed politely.
“Neither approach, sir, would generally be considered conducive to the development of sincere human relationships.”

Worse, Clav got brutally frame-mogged by an Arizona State frat boy. And if that weren’t enough, the hope of a generation was arrested for trying to get into a bar with a fake ID, and ended up with two felony chargesO tempora! O mores!

Assuming he is literate, I only hope this young man can take advantage of his jailhouse tenure to do as another young visionary a century earlier did while incarcerated, and produce a world-changing manifesto:

  

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