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On the Eve of battle - Rod Dreher
From Rod's substack - worth the subscription
November 04, 2024
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On The Eve Of Battle

Americans Are Choosing Not Between Two Candidates, But Two Postliberal Regimes

Nov 4
 
 
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Well, here we are on Election Eve. I guess everybody has his or her mind made up by now, and all that’s left to us is to vote, then wait and see. I wish I were back home for this. Not sure why. I might try to find an election-watching party over here, but the results are going to be very late in coming in, on Budapest time, so I might just stay home. If Trump wins, I want to be with other people, celebrating. If he loses, it’ll be best to stay home. I do think he’s going to win, though.

For me, this is not a vote between two (highly flawed) candidates, but between two ways of governing. I have an essay coming out in The European Conservative later today about this, so I don’t want to give too much away here. The core of my argument, though, can be found in this must-read essay by Nathan Pinkoski, in First Things.

In it, Pinkoski argues that classical liberalism in America is a thing of the past, and we are actually living between versions of postliberalism. What does he mean by that? Excerpt:

Twentieth-century civilization has collapsed. It rested on an essential tenet of liberalism: the state-society, public-private distinction. The state-society distinction reached its apogee in the mid-twentieth century, when the triumph and challenges of the postwar moment clarified the importance of defending social freedom from state power, while ensuring that the public realm was not taken over by private interests. Over the last few decades, this distinction has been eroded and finally abandoned altogether. Like it or not, the West is now postliberal.

This is not the same “postliberalism” that we are accustomed to hearing about. Postliberal thinkers from Patrick Deneen to Adrian Pabst have exposed the conceptual problems inherent in liberal theory. Liberals justify the separation of the public realm from the private sphere by appealing to value neutrality. This notion of separation involves a certain moral and metaphysical thinness. The commitment to neutrality is thought to prevent states’ coercing belief through law and force. It protects the private sphere, so that individuals and associations can live out their creeds. Yet by promoting civic neutrality, liberalism socializes us to moderate our ambitions for public life. Against this view, postliberal thinkers argue that the liberal state’s rejection of a substantive vision of the good hollows out politics and civil society. Liberalism produces a state bent on driving tradition and religion out of public life, an atomistic society in which money is the only universally acknowledged good. Postliberal intellectuals contend that if our ruling classes relinquished their liberal commitment to neutral institutions in favor of a substantive vision of the good, we could renew our civilization.

The Brexit referendum and Trump’s election in 2016 revealed the extent of the West’s malaise. Eight years ago, the postliberal critique seemed exciting and relevant, even as liberal intellectuals mounted impressive counterattacks. But these disputations have little to do with how we are actually governed. Governments long ago breached the barrier separating the public and private realms. Nor is the state the only danger, for the supposedly liberal institutions of civil society have given up on neutrality. Cancel culture is ­corporate and academic culture. The financial and tech giants pry into the private lives of ­citizens and punish them for their words and deeds. For quite some time, a substantive vision of the good has already been ruling over both state and society.

He goes on to argue that after 1989, in the West, the state expanded its power through ideological capture of the ruling class, which acts more or less in unison, within private institutions to achieve its goals. This is not only something that came about through Democratic administrations. The George W. Bush administration expanded the reach of the state after 9/11. The United States, under successive governments, has weaponized liberal institutions of international governance to make them serve American goals. Covid exacerbated and clarified this, as did the George Floyd aftermath, as has the transgender issue, with the state and its ideological allies in business and private institutions using civil rights laws and concepts to force illiberal concepts of race and sex on unwilling populations, who were not given a say in the matter.

The British commentator Ed West expands on this in his latest Substack essay. (I’m not sure if this is paywalled or not, but oh boy, you should subscribe to Ed’s consistently excellent Substack, which focuses mostly on history and the way it impacts us today). Excerpt:

The number one reason that people give for voting Kamala Harris is ‘the future of democracy’. Yet Republicans have reason to fear the other side, too, that progressive rule will further embed a system where decisions are taken away from elected politicians and steered by a network of NGOs, activist judges and bureaucrats schooled in monocultural left-leaning institutions, where freedom of speech is crushed and a demoralised, impoverished population is led by a ruling class who despises them and their history. A bit like Britain, in other words.

There is also the issue of immigration, which on a large scale makes democracy more fragile. The experience of the United States is different to Europe, since the former has indeed always been a ‘nation of immigrants’. Yet until 1965, the US was in essence still a European country with a small, partially disenfranchised African-descended minority in its poorer, less populous south. Even Americans of southern and eastern European descent were under immense social pressure to conform to an Anglo norm.

Columbus Day, now a symbolic source of division, was once designed to celebrate, and integrate, Italians in America, the largest groups of Ellis Island immigrants who joined a country that until then had been dominated by north-west European Protestants. That they did successfully integrate was in part due to the fact that large-scale immigration was paused from 1924 to 1965, a political impossibility in today’s America.

America is now something different, what Barack Obama called a country founded on an idea - but might also be described as a ‘progressive caliphate’, a country defined not by ancestry but belief. This is a fine ideal, but it is a novelty for a democracy, and where this kind of society has existed in the past it has always been ruled by autocrats who enforced the state religion with an iron fist.

Democracy and diversity make unusual bedfellows. Across the world, where a previously secure majority group has begun to lose its numerical advantage, it has led to conflict, most notably in Lebanon, Northern Ireland and Fiji. Multi-ethnic democracies are fraught, because elections are a tribal headcount, and made less legitimate when one side appears to be recruiting more of its followers. The issue of Voter ID is related to how conservatives feel that the Left is cheating the system by importing voters, with some justification.

In these quasi-democracies, political representatives use the system to hand out rewards to their side, Kamala Harris’s recent proposal of $20,000 loans for black men being typical of countries where politicians use the levers of power to take from unpopular market-dominant groups. Unlike in the United States of the 1960s, there is no need to frame these arguments through a sense of shared Christian pity - it’s a far older and less revolutionary instinct.

Diversity is only one cause of polarisation, and not a precondition: Poland is one of the most polarised countries in Europe and one of its least diverse, while homogenous South Korea is the most divided of all – by sex, more than anything.

Neither are these uniquely American trends, with many of the same patterns also found in Europe: the ‘great realignment’ is now a British phenomenon, too, and indeed was the core story of Brexit. That referendum saw British politics grow far more polarised, with Leave and Remain identities becoming far stronger than party affiliations. While that issue has subsided, for now, voters have instead become polarised over immigration.

Whether we follow a similar path to the United States will depend on many things, including whether trust in institutions continues to fall and immigration levels remain high. The extent to which any politician can change the nature of voting coalitions is also limited: when a country has a populace so divided over core issues, parties will simply come to represent those interests, although individuals can set the tone.

Pinkoski and West are elaborating on the basic point I made in Live Not By Liesthat we are living in a kind of “soft totalitarianism.” To restate the point: hard totalitarianism is the Soviet model (or the Chinese model), in which all power resides in the state, which enforces its ideology through violence, or the threat of it. Soft totalitarianism, by contrast, is when a single ideology rules a society without significant state coercion, because the class that rules institutions of private life (the professions, the universities, the media, and so forth) presses its ideology onto the body politic. A second quality of soft totalitarianism is that it does so often for “therapeutic” reasons, e.g., to protect those it conceives as victims from the depredations of the deplorable masses, even to the point of shielding the “oppressed” from having their feelings hurt.

When one is not permitted to say that a person who is a biological male is a man, without facing serious penalties — say, the law student who faces expulsion for “aggressive pointing” at a transgender advocate — you can say we live under soft totalitarianism. Or at least, under left-wing illiberalism.

The Left doesn’t see this, of course. They think they are “defending democracy.” Last week, The New York Times, a leading institution of left-wing illiberalism, published an essay by two government professors at Harvard, another such institution, arguing that in the event of a Trump victory at the polls, the ruling class should institute a color revolution to deny Trump the opportunity to govern. Thus, they argue that we must destroy democracy to save it.

Whatever this is, it’s not liberalism. In fact, as a Times subscriber, I’m struck by how propagandistic the newspaper has been in this campaign. If you only got your news and information from the Times, you would have no real idea about the country you live in. The paper has been so hysterically anti-Trump that unless you read Ross Douthat — a conservative who is deeply skeptical of Trump, but who at least makes a serious effort to understand and explain why so many Americans support him (great piece here, ungated) — you would think that half the country was in the grips of authoritarian madness. In the pages of the Times, as in all of the legacy media, there has been virtually no attempt to understand the failures of the Left, and why so many Americans have no trust in them, or more broadly in American institutions.

The fact that the Democrats, having despised Dick Cheney and his warmongering for over two decades, have allied with him and his equally hawkish daughter Liz, tells you everything you need to know about why Pinkoski is right, and we are facing a choice between regimes — and that the line between them does not run strictly between Democrats and Republicans.

As you know, I don’t have much faith that a Trump restoration will turn the tide. But maybe I’m wrong; I was wrong about him in 2016, and he was a better president than I expected. But I wholeheartedly hope he wins this time, as a democratic repudiation of the governing regime. If Trump wins, I do hope and expect that he will be more aggressive this time in pushing back against the Left and its hegemony over the institutions of American life. What I learned from living in Hungary and observing Viktor Orban is that the only effective way to fight back against these illiberal left-wing powers is to refuse their manipulative lies.

On the other hand, Hungary is a deeply divided country, over politics. So too is America, and the election, whoever wins, won’t fix this. God only knows what will happen to our beloved country. Philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre understood what had happened to us across the West in his early 1980s book After Virtue. Though he was not a Christian when he wrote the book (he later converted to Catholicism), MacIntyre knew we had lost the ground of our common values — Christianity — and the Enlightenment gave us no universal framework within which to anchor our reason. The age of liberal democracy depended on residual Christianity to work; now that that has gone, we find ourselves at odds over what it means to live a good life, in community.

Take a look at this four-minute clip from Joe Rogan’s interview with Sen. John Fetterman:

  

What Rogan is pointing out here is that he pressed Fetterman on what it means that the Biden administration permitted millions of illegal migrants to settle in swing states. It looks like they are importing voters from abroad to cement their power. Fetterman squirms, but doesn’t deny it! Look, I live in Europe, and you can see in countries like France and Germany that the alliance between the left-wing parties, who hate their civilization and think it is nothing but a story of oppression and racism, have formed a political bond with Islamic migrants, to dispossess the ordinary people of those countries. This is what Renaud Camus means by “the Great Replacement.”

It is not as bad in America as it is here, because at least the Latin American migrants share a Christian background, which makes them more compatible with American mores. Still, it is a scandal that political parties would try to dissolve the American electorate by importing foreigners who will likely vote for them. The American people, of all races, were not given a choice here. In Europe, the only national leader who has consistently refused this is … Viktor Orban. That horrible fascist, if you believe the media, academia, and the US Government. But coming to Hungary to visit, and indeed to live here, tells a very different story. It tells you that we have been lied to, not only about him, but about what our ruling class is really about. It’s not liberal democracy, I can tell you that.

Whatever happens tomorrow, I am grateful for you all, even you Kamala-voting libs! We are all in this together, somehow. Let us meditate on the tragic sense of Lincoln’s words in his second inaugural address, delivered near the end of the Civil War: “The prayers of both [sides] could not be answered—that of neither has been answered fully.” Yet America endured. I think it still can.

We Are Being Played

Here’s a must-read bit by the UK commentator Matt Goodwin, about the way the British government and the media managed public reaction to the stabbing deaths in Southport of three little girls by a young black man, the son of migrants. Goodwin begins by making a broad point about how the ruling class will not allow discussion of the deleterious effects of mass migration. Excerpts:

Wondering if a mass influx of millions of low-skill migrants might be one reason why our economy and public services are deteriorating, and why Chancellor Rachel Reeves was just forced to impose record rates of tax and borrowing?

“Oh, you’re misinformed!”, they cry in unison, while at the same time concealing information about the cost of our asylum system in the welfare budget and refusing to share information about tax and welfare by nationality and immigration status.

It is, put simply, outrageous and is something I will not stop talking about until all of this information is made available to the hardworking, tax-paying British people.

And nowhere has this trick been more visible than in the response of our hapless elite class to the horrific atrocities that were committed in Southport, where three precious little girls –Elsie Dot Stancombe, Bebe King, and Alice Da Silva Aguiar--were brutally murdered at a dance class, while many more were nearly stabbed to death.

More:

Once again, those who asked questions were instantly warned about “misinformation” while actual information about the suspect was suppressed or downplayed.

Interestingly, the few details that were initially released appeared to be ones designed to calm tension, telling people the accused was “Cardiff-born” and his parents were “a lovely couple”, which I’d suggest simply made little sense to most people.

Into this vacuum then arrived all the usual stories about “solidarity” and communities “coming together”, much like what followed the bombing of our children at the Manchester Evening News Arena by “British” citizen Salman Abedi, or the horrific murder of Sir David Amess MP by “British” citizen Ali Harbi Ali.

All of this, too, was rapidly contrasted with stark warnings about the “far right”, which has not been a serious force in this country for years, to essentially warn people off asking deeper questions about what is going on in our country.

A small minority who were unable to control their anger and rage rioted and were, rightly, sent to jail. But so too were many people who, often writing online in their own homes, drew a line from the atrocity in Southport to immigration and Islam.

… People from the left-leaning elite class, meanwhile, who had previously taken only minutes to brand past attacks as “far-right terrorism” suddenly urged caution and delay, while quickly moving the discussion on to debates about how best to clamp down on free speech and free expression in our country.

Well, well, well:

Now we know that the Southport attack does have something to do with these very issues. I don’t know if it’s the discovery, this week, that the son of Rwandan immigrants tried to make the deadly biological weapon ricin or that he downloaded an al-Qaeda training manual for Islamist terrorists titled ‘Military Studies in the Jihad Against Tyrants’, which offers advice on urban warfare, terrorist tactics, and how to establish terrorist cells, that has left me thinking we might not have been given the full story about this ‘Welshman’.

Furthermore, I’d hazard a guess that many people in the corridors of power have known a lot more about this story than they’ve been letting on. As anybody who has worked in Number 10 knows, as Dominic Cummings pointed out this week, despite what we’re being told, despite all the talk about “misinformation” or “disinformation”, it is in fact highly likely that Keir Starmer, Yvette Cooper, and the authorities would have known almost immediately about this information.

You cannot trust these people, anywhere — except to lie and manipulate in the service of their preferred lies. We have the same thing in America, of course. Last bit from Goodwin:

Sorry, but do they actually think we are this stupid? Do they actually think we will just blindly follow the officially approved narrative? Do they not think the Mums, Dads, and concerned citizens of this country will relentlessly pursue the truth and hold our rulers to account? Do they really just think we will shut up and go away?

Not. A. Chance.

Here's what I think. I think they think we are stupid. I think they think we will forget about the scandal in Southport and move on with our lives. I think they think we will be cowed into silence or duped once again by the same misinformation trick, that we will scuttle off and not dare ask questions about what is happening to our country.

But we won’t.

Live not by lies! One major reason the lies flourish is that the ruling class makes it too painful to speak the truth. Another reason is that many people — perhaps most people — can’t bear to face up to the hideous realities of what we have become, and what we are facing. But face it we must. If we don’t, we’re over. This is not an abstract threat. This is real life. I had lunch on Friday with an Irishman furious over what migration has done to his village. The Irish government has imported and settled more Ukrainian migrants there than the population of the actual village! To say it has disrupted life is to badly understate the reality. These are not Africans, but Ukrainians, but the point is they are not Irishmen! The people of this small rural village have been forced to deal with something they are not prepared for, could not possibly be prepared for, and which is changing their settled life forever.

And they were not given a choice in the matter! They are paying the price for the moral vanity of Ireland’s ruling class. So, too, are Americans in similar circumstances. Look at this news last week from small-town Ohio:

The mayor of a small village near Cincinnati says he needs help from the federal government after a surge of illegal immigration primarily from Mauritania that nearly exceeds the local population and that he says is "unsustainable."

"Our county officials estimate that we have around 3,000 of those that have come to a village of 3,420 residents. And our complaint is, if the federal government is going to have an open borders policy, with that they need to have a policy directing these immigrants to communities that can absorb that kind of population increase," Lockland Mayor Mark Mason told Fox News Digital.

Democracy depends on the consent of the governed. And yet we are told by The New York Times, Harvard professors, and their kind that to be angry about all this only shows that we are threats to democracy.

We aren’t threats to democracy. We are threats to them. I hope they are frightened.

The Gender Gap, Explained

Mary Eberstadt considers the yawning gender gap in US politics. Excerpt:

The mystery isn’t that many of today’s young men are deserting the side that loathes them and fears them and sometimes longs to queer them. It’s that socially and economically superior players haven’t a clue anymore about what makes young men tick—whether it’s driving fast, failing to ask strangers for directions, treating Sunday football like church, or saving a subway car full of strangers from disaster. From Democratic politics to Hollywood, from prestige quads to the C-suite, those players haven’t only lost the script about young men. They’ve unlearned the alphabet of human nature.

There is something unique called male self-respect. It’s grounded in the belief that rules exist and retain their authority, from baseball to church to war, no matter how many times they’re broken. Forgetting that fact of nature renders progressivism and its fellow-travelers incapable of understanding a major chunk of the electorate. The real mystery in the political sex imbalance isn’t about boys and men, but girls and women. It’s why so many obediently keep trotting in the same lanes marked out for them since the 1960s, pelted with the same messages that have been making life miserable for decades now—men are badthe future is femininecareer first, egg-freezing nextthe best ending after falling for someone and making a baby together is to get rid of it.

White progressives are scandalized that not everybody hates themselves as much as they do.

Queering The Donbass (And Everywhere Else)

I coined the phrase “queering the Donbass” to mock the US Government’s desire to remake the world in the image of progressive America, whether or not it is in our country’s national interest. Now Christopher Rufo has produced a report on how the US State Department has made advocating for LGBT rights an essential part of American foreign policy Excerpt:

The diversity agenda has been translated to the day-to-day operations at embassies around the world. Some embassies are even screening security positions for adherence to DEI. In a job posting for a security escort position at the U.S. Consulate General in Lagos, for example, applicants are told that “[t]he U.S. Mission in Nigeria supports Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility (DEIA),” and that “[a]ll genders are welcome to apply.” Some two-thirds of the job summary is dedicated to DEI, as if U.S. security officers should be more concerned with gender pronouns than terrorist attacks.

Inside the embassies, gender has become a near obsession. State’s latest annual LGBTQI+ progress report lists countless present and future efforts across all foreign agencies to make the world safe for queer theory, from “Pride Events at Headquarters” to “Gender Equity in the Mexican Workplace.” Among these is a department-wide partnership with the Global Equality Fund, a public-private entity “dedicated to advancing and defending the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons around the world” that has directed funds to 116 “grassroots” LGBTQI+ organizations in 73 countries.

State itself asserts that U.S. diplomatic efforts should reflect progressive ideology. In a special report on “DEIA Promotion” by the department’s advisory commission on public diplomacy, State evaluates “how U.S. missions adapt existing programs to DEIA principles,” which are to inform “all aspects of the Department’s policymaking as well as efforts to address barriers to opportunity for individuals historically and currently burdened by inequality and systemic discrimination.” Realpolitik, in other words, should give way to critical theory.

These efforts raise a critical question: Does gender theory advance the U.S.’s national interests? The answer appears to be no. But that is hardly an obstacle for State’s gender activists. They want to hang the rainbow flag throughout the benighted parts of the world. This mission trumps all others.

What on earth does any of this have to do with advancing American national interests abroad? It’s cultural imperialism, straight up. This is part of the reason why more and more people abroad hate us.

Bach In Autumn

Let’s pivot to something happier, shall we? Autumn is my favorite season, and nothing musically says autumn to me like Bach’s Suites for solo cello. Here is the introduction to them, by the man who plays my favorite version, Yo-Yo Ma:

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Bourdain In Lyon

I discovered over the weekend that one of my all-time favorite hours of television, Anthony Bourdain’s episode of his visit to Lyon, France’s gastronomic capital, is available on YouTube:

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At the 16:00 mark, Bourdain and Bill Buford dine at Café Comptoir Abel, the city’s oldest bistro, where Bourdain tastes a classic Lyonnaise dish: quenellesa dish made of filleted river pike inside a soft dumpling, coated in a sauce of béchamel made with crawfish butter. Because of the Bourdain episode, I visited Lyon in 2015 with friends, including the incomparable James C. We made our way to Café Comptoir Abel, and I ordered the quenelles. James C. captured the very moment I tasted what was one of the best meals of my life:

  

They really are that good!

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Cole Allen - Weimar American
Rod Dreher SubStack
Apr 28, 2026

 
Attempted Trump assassin Cole Allen

You ever read Peter Turchin? He’s the historian who invented “cliodynamics,” a historical field that analyzes patterns in history in a scientific way, to try to find predictive meaning. His 2023 book End Times explains why he thinks we are in for a rough go of it in America, based on historical patterns. Back in 2010, he predicted that the 2020s would be tumultuous, based on his cliodynamic analysis.

He writes in the book:

The American ruling class today finds itself in the predicament that has recurred thousands of times throughout human history. Many common Americans have withdrawn their support from the governing elites. They’ve flipped up “a throbbing middle finger in the face of America’s ruling class.” Large swaths of degree holders, frustrated in their quest for elite positions, are breeding grounds for counter-elites, who dream of overthrowing the existing regime. Most wealth holders are unwilling to sacrifice any personal advantage for the sake of preserving the status quo. The technical term for it is “revolutionary situation.” For the ruling class, there are two routes out of a revolutionary situation. One leads to their overthrow. The alternative is to adopt a series of reforms that will rebalance the social system, reversing the trends of popular immiseration and elite overproduction. The American ruling elites did it once, a century ago. Can they do it again? What does history suggest?

“Elite overproduction” is Turchin’s term for a situation in which you have too many educated young people who aspire to join the elites, but not enough places for them. The kids graduating with degrees that are useless, and come out of school carrying massive student debt? They are a revolutionary class.

As I’ve been saying in this space, and will say in my forthcoming Weimar book, the young middle-class Germans of the early 1930s were the most enthusiastic mass converts to Nazism. A significant number of these young men had been pro-Nazi from their student days in the 1920s, when they saw their parents lose everything in hyperinflation, and all the things that gave meaning to a person’s life in Germany had collapsed in the wake of the war. But it took growing up in the chaos of 1920s Germany, where nothing was solid, and social atomization was omnipresent, to render them filled with anxiety. Then, when the Depression hit, it was clear that they had no hope of ever achieving a stable middle-class life. That’s why they rushed to Hitler’s side.

I hope you understand that this is in no way a justification, but rather an explanation.

Here’s the parallel with today. Generation Z, the first cohort of which was born in 1997, is the first one to have grown up under digital conditions, which creates a sense of psychological instability that’s hard for us Olds to appreciate. Plus, their society really has been coming apart. We Olds can remember when it wasn’t like this. They can’t; this is their reality. I keep thinking about what that Evangelical college prof told me, with tears in his eyes, in 2013: that his greatest worry for his students is that they would never be able to form a stable family. Why? “Because,” he said, “they have never seen one.”

These were Midwestern Evangelical kids, mind you.

Again: per Turchin, and per my research into Weimar Germany, the educated middle class is the revolutionary class in most cases.

Keep in mind too that students were the ones hit hardest by the Covid lockdowns. It’s what radicalized many of them. A normie Christian Republican friend whose 24 year old son is now an anti-Semitic conspiracy theorist said that the boy went deep down a YouTube rabbit hole during Covid lockdown, and got bit. My friend and his wife are trying to deprogram their son, but he has fallen in with a number of white males of his generation who had the same experience. It’s very hard.

The Belgian psychologist Matias Desmet wrote a great book, The Psychology of Totalitarianism, which arose in part out of his reaction to the Covid panic.

Although the Enlightenment tradition arose from man’s optimistic and energetic aspiration to understand and control the world, it has led to the opposite in several respects: namely, the experience of loss of control. Humans have found themselves in a state of solitude, cut off from nature, and existing apart from social structures and connections, feeling powerless due to a deep sense of meaninglessness, living under clouds that are pregnant with an inconceivable, destructive potential, all while psychologically and materially depending on the happy few, whom he does not trust and with whom he cannot identify. It is this individual that Hannah Arendt named the atomized subject. It is this atomized subject in which we recognize the elementary component of the totalitarian state.

This is who we are today, Desmet says — and none more than the young. The Covid phenomenon — the social phenomenon, not the disease himself — was a worrying sign. He writes:

The discourse surrounding the coronavirus crisis shows characteristics that are typical of the type of discourse that led to the emergence of the totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century: the excessive use of numbers and statistics that show a “radical contempt for the facts,” the blurring of the line between fact and fiction, and a fanatical ideological belief that justifies deception and manipulation and ultimately transgresses all ethical boundaries. We will describe these characteristics in detail in chapters 6 and 7. But first, in chapter 5, we consider the social conditions that prime a society to cling to this numerical illusion of certainty. We will see that the flight into false security is a logical consequence of the psychological inability to deal with uncertainty and risk, an inability that has been building up in society for decades, perhaps even centuries.

We Olds laugh at the young as “snowflakes”. We shouldn’t. That very fragilization is why so many of them demand authority figures take control — like the Yale kids screaming and sobbing at Prof. Christakis because he wouldn’t agree to their demand that Yale ban “triggering” Halloween costumes, and apologize to them for holding a contrary opinion to theirs. I recall the European friend who spent a year at Harvard in the latter part of the last decade, and who told me he was shocked by how emotionally and psychologically fragile the undergraduates there are, while at the same time having total confidence that their destiny is to rule the world.

Dr. Desmet says that the mechanization of our lives in recent times has set us up for totalitarianism:

An analysis of the psychological process of totalitarianism is extremely relevant in the twenty-first century. There are several signs that a new kind of (technocratic) totalitarianism is on the rise:

  1. an exponential increase in the number of intrusive actions by security agencies (opening mail, searching IT systems, installing eavesdropping devices, tapping telephones);

  2. the general advance of surveillance society;

  3. the increasing pressure on the right to privacy (especially since 9/11);

  4. the sharp increase in the last decade in citizens snitching on one another through government-organized channels;

  5. the increasing censorship and suppression of alternative voices, in particular during the coronavirus crisis;

  6. loss of support for basic democratic principles;8 and the introduction of an experimental vaccination program and QR code as a condition for having access to public spaces, and so on.

    The moment Arendt had anticipated in 1951 seems to be rapidly approaching: the emergence of a new totalitarian system led, not by “ringleaders” like Stalin and Hitler, but by dull bureaucrats and technocrats.

I’m going to say more about this down below, based on a truly terrifying new book I read yesterday, by a transhumanist proponent of AI. But first, let’s consider the assassination attempts against Trump, and the successful political murder of Charlie Kirk. In today’s Free Press, the staff editorial points out that the discourse legitimizing political violence has become normalized on the Zoomer Left:

If you think education provides inoculation against such moral perversion, it’s exactly the opposite. According to one survey, 40 percent of Americans with graduate or professional degrees—compared to just 23 percent of Americans with no education beyond high school—agreed that “violence is often necessary to create social change.”

[Would-be Trump assassin] Cole Allen—who graduated from Caltech and is an award-winning test-prep tutor—couldn’t have put it better himself.

It’s a comforting thought to imagine that only a crazy person could travel across the country by train with guns and knives to try to murder Donald Trump and members of his cabinet. The trouble is that it isn’t true.

There’s no evidence so far that Allen was suffering any kind of psychotic break. And Allen’s manifesto does not read like the deranged ravings of a madman. It represents a coherent worldview—evil though it is—that sees violence as a valid way to achieve necessary political ends.

Unfortunately, he is not alone.

Among those who share Allen’s view: the people who celebrated after Charlie Kirk was slain, allegedly by a man offended by his opinions on the gender binary. The people who have turned Luigi Mangione, who is accused of murdering UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, into a hero. (They worship him not because they think he was innocent, but because they think he did it.) This same faction of the left would have celebrated if Allen hadn’t been stopped.

How significant a faction? Well, according to an Emerson College Polling survey, more than 40 percent of Gen Zers said that the murder of the UnitedHealthcare CEO was acceptable.

This is the same educated generation that, in just a few years, will find the job market closed to about half of them, if Dario Amodei’s predictions about AI wiping out 50 percent of white-collar jobs within five years bears out. The Anthropic chief said that this is all San Francisco tech titans talk about — and their shocked that the rest of us, especially the Washington political class, aren’t talking about it.

I get why we aren’t talking about it. It seems unthinkable. But you know, when I have one-on-one conversations with friends in various fields, I hear stories from their own workplaces about how integrating AI is making it necessary to fire people, and not hire others. If your competitor is using AI and you aren’t, you are going to lose business, and eventually lose your business. This is an iron law. You might remember the story I told here about a good friend (and reader of this Substack), a lawyer who works at his small family firm, who told me that he had recently used AI to do the work that an associate would have taken a week to do, but that AI did in minutes. He put the question to me: “How can I afford to pay $125,000 a year for an associate who will take a week to ten days to do a job that AI can do in minutes, for very little money?”

Of course he can’t, not if he wants his firm to survive. Multiply this across many, many fields, and you will see that we will very soon have a major social and political crisis on our hands. Amodei predicted that the overall unemployment rate could soar to Depression levels. This will be concentrated among the young, many of whom will have loads of student debt that they cannot discharge. What then?

The political violence, and the political-violence discourse, is heavily weighted to the Left now. But it won’t stay there, not in a general crisis. Nor will the political violence.

A few days ago, the State of Virginia voted on a Congressional redistricting plan that will effectively disfranchise most Republicans in that state, of whom there are many. In response, Florida is now promoting a plan to do the same from the GOP side. Nate Fischer tweeted:

An appropriate response to Virginia - but what this reveals is both sides have given up on persuasion, recognizing the country is so divided that it's basically impossible. So it's a race to rig the system in your favor, all while speaking in grand terms about "our democracy."

Many of you are highly skeptical of my “Weimar America” thesis. I hope that when the book comes out, you will give my argument a fair hearing. I sense that a lot of this skepticism comes from being understandably sick of the whole “Trump is Hitler” nonsense. That’s NOT what my book argues. I think too that we are so conditioned by history to think “IF Weimar, THEN Nazism” — in the same way we were slow to recognize the totalitarian nature of wokeness, because we were conditioned to think, “IF totalitarianism, THEN there must be a one-party police state.” It wasn’t true; I showed you how we could have a soft form of totalitarianism within liberal democracy. Weimar conditions do not have to reproduce National Socialism. But they will produce something coercively undemocratic at best.

It’s important to remember that though Hitler brought totalitarianism to Germany, the Nazis were also popular, at least at first. They won the consent of the German people. It’s not quite true to say that “Hitler was elected.” His party won 37 percent of the vote in the 1932 election, which made them the biggest party in Germany, but far from a majority. President Hindenburg appointed the chancellor, and did not want to appoint Hitler, though normally the leader of the No. 1 party would get the job. Hindenburg was persuaded by his conservative advisers that Hitler could be controlled, and besides, given that neither elderly field marshal Hindenburg nor his conservative allies had much use for democracy, they could use the anti-democratic passions of the Nazi party to dismantle the Weimar Republic.

Once in power, Hitler did away with democracy under a state of emergency he declared. Through propaganda and the brutalization of dissenters, he won over the German people. The point is, Nazism wasn’t forced on the Germans in the way that Communism was forced on the Russians. I doubt something like Nazism will be forced on us, but that doesn’t mean that we won’t consent to something anti-democratic, maybe even totalitarian, under emergency conditions (like a serious economic collapse, or, if the AI predictions by Amodei and others pan out, massive job loss without formal economic collapse). The ground has already been laid, psychologically, especially within the educated middle class people of Gen Z.

Which brings us to today’s other topic. Strap in, this one is wild.

‘The Father We Never Had’

I’ve been telling people for years that you might think Camp of the Saints is a “bad” book, because there are racist parts in it, but it’s still a hugely important book to read, because it tells some vital, radical truths about the world we are in, especially in Europe. You cannot understand what is happening in Europe today, and the coming cataclysm, without having read this 1973 novel. (It is also important for the US too, but less so than Europe, where the crisis is more severe, and more urgent.) It’s a book about the moral collapse of elites and their authority in the face of mass migration. The bad guys in this book aren’t the migrants, not really, but white elites.

“Bad” books can be really important. Here’s another one: The Father We Never Had: Artificial Intelligence: Before and After. The author is Cristian Daniel Bolocan, a European AI enthusiast and transhumanist. I bought it yesterday morning and read it in one sitting. It is a terrifying, and entirely plausible, portrait of what is to come with AI. The thing to remember is that Bolocan thinks this is a good thing. Like all revolutionary utopians — including the Nazis and the Communists — he believes that after a cleansing cataclysm, people will live in Paradise.

This book is important, not only because the world he foresees is probably coming at us good and hard, but that people like him — whose number includes transhumanist tech oligarchs — believe that this really will be for the greater good of humanity. What he presents, without knowing it (as he is an atheist), is a vision of Antichrist. Let me use what space I have in today’s newsletter to summarize his argument.

Bolocan argues that AI will radically alter humanity very soon, but very few people really understand how thorough this alteration will be, nor how fast it is coming. We are not ready for this, and those who don’t know what’s about to hit us will suffer more during the transition.

In the book, which is non-technical and well written, he argues from patterns in human history and psychology, explaining how political and economic systems developed to deal with problems of scarcity and safety. Human psychology has evolutionarily adapted to deal with that. AI promises to solve all these problems. If we can just get through the tumult of adaptation, we will have reached a materialist paradise, or so he claims. (I trust that you understand I don’t buy this.)

Bolocan talks about how humans have always submitted to authority to relieve their fears. This is biologically hard-wired into us. In the 20th century, we figured out that if you can manipulate people’s desires, you can control them without using a heavy hand. This is how advertising works. Hitler and Goebbels figured this out in the 1920s, at the same time that Edward Bernays, the father of public relations, did.

In the age of the Internet, we have mechanized the process, says Bolocan. “Control no longer relies just on repression, but on algorithmic optimization.” More:

The modern cage is not made of iron bars. It is built of likes, notifications, and the terrifying fear of missing out. It offers us a menu of ten thousand options, but every choice keeps us glued to the screen, generating data for the machine. The loop does not end. The architecture of control changes its face, but never its function. From the wall of Uruk to the screen in your hand, the goal remains the same: managing the terror of the human animal by restricting its freedom. This is not good or bad. It is human. It is the inevitable result of the meeting between biology and scale.

But as our tools become more powerful, the stakes of this game rise. A Stone Age fear can be managed. A Stone Age fear armed with nuclear weapons or artificial intelligence cannot be managed. It is unlikely that humanity will escape this structure. The instincts that built the orphanage are the same instincts that built the cage. We are simultaneously the architects and the prisoners, captive in a design we can no longer perceive.

He points out how the technology of industrialized warfare overtook the imaginative capacity of World War I generals, whose ideas of how to conduct war were formed in the 19th century. The actual experience of mechanical warfare broke them, and their civilization:

That is why technological societies oscillate between overconfidence and collapse. Every generation inherits tools more powerful than its emotional architecture can safely handle. We possess the power of gods, but the wisdom of primates. Distraction becomes the new sedation. A distracted population is not controlled by force, but carried by momentum. Momentum replaces intention. Slowing down seems dangerous, reflection seems irresponsible, and questioning seems like sabotage. At this stage, control no longer needs to persuade; it only needs to maintain the motion.

He goes on:

A human ruler is limited by biology. They can only survey so much, read so much, punish so many, and lie with only so much consistency. But a machine that models populations can turn domination into infrastructure. It can detect deviation before it becomes a protest. It can reshape the information diet until dissent seems like madness. It can reward compliance through frictionless access and punish resistance through discrete obstruction, all masquerading as efficiency, safety, optimization, or public order. The danger is not that AI will want control. The danger is that humans already want it, and AI represents the first instrument that can make control cheap, continuous, and scalable.

Therefore, the question is not whether the machine will be intelligent. It will be. The question is whether the humans commanding it will use it to reduce suffering or to perfect the hierarchy. Because once the perfect slave exists, the oldest temptation in human history becomes effortless: to rule without accountability, to punish without visibility, to win without risk, to master the future by managing the present.

One more:

We are not approaching a cliff. A cliff implies a distinct edge, a single fall, and a measurable bottom. If you fall off a cliff, you land in the same world you left, only crushed. We are approaching something far more profound. We are approaching something akin to a black hole. A black hole is a singularity where the laws of physics, as we know them, cease to function. Nothing that enters remains the same. We cannot see what lies on the other side. It is one of the greatest mysteries of the cosmos. Artificial Intelligence is exactly like that black hole: a force with such gravity that it warps reality, pulling us toward an event horizon we can neither comprehend nor avoid.

The approaching event—the acceleration of artificial intelligence—is not just another invention. The mistake most people make is one of scale. They believe it is merely another object in the same historical display case, like the lightbulb or the internet. The lightbulb changed how we see. The internet changed how we speak. But AI changes who does the thinking. It changes the very unit of decision-making. And it is a process that cannot be stopped. We have passed the point of no return. The gravity is already far too strong.

I think he’s right about that. Where are the opponents to AI now? They barely exist. Most of us don’t even understand it, or its power. We’re just along for the ride. Bolocan says modernity has become so complex that only AI can manage it.

We build artificial intelligence because it is fascinating, because it is profitable, and, ultimately, we will realize it is the only thing capable of managing the mess we have made. The transition to AI is not a choice. It is an evolutionary inevitability driven by the law of complexity. We will delegate control because the alternative is civilizational collapse. The horizon shatters because the human mind is no longer the horizon.

The rest of the book is an absolutely chilling prediction of how we will proceed, of necessity, to surrendering our humanity to the Machine. Here is the metaphysical mistake he makes, but on which the rest of the argument depends (if you accept his argument as beneficial, which I do not):

We speak of the soul. We say that man has a soul, and that the machine is soulless. But we might be wrong in both directions. What proof do we have that the soul exists in the form we invoke? And what proof do we have that a sufficiently advanced intelligence will not produce something equivalent—an emergent consciousness, a center of continuity, a kind of "I" that no longer needs flesh to exist?

You see? He goes on to argue that merging Man — who is nothing more than a material organism — with the Machine will set us free. In any case, it’s going to happen, because there is no way to stop it. The lesson of the rest of the book can be summed up in the line from “The Times, They Are A-Changin’” by Bob Dylan: “He who gets hurt will be he who has stalled.”

(Side note: Colocan wrote this book before Trump started mouthing off about taking over Greenland. In the book, he writes that Greenland is the only place on earth where the giant AI data centers can exist in an optimally cool climate that is militarily defensible. So that’s why Trump wants Greenland!)

In Phase One of the transition, there will be mass unemployment, which will not only be an economic crisis, but a crisis of meaning, as we have all been conditioned to think of our jobs as keys to our identity. Governments will have to manage this, and stave off revolution, through Universal Basic Income, and other coercive measures:

The form varies by country and ideology, but the function is the same: to prevent a mass of people from becoming economically irrelevant and psychologically explosive. By the end of Phase One, the shape of society is visibly different. Government services are faster, but also more intrusive. Digital identity is no longer an option, but a root of civil existence.

Then:

Phase Two begins when artificial intelligence escapes the screen and becomes the environment. The first stage made governments faster, while the second stage makes societies physically different. The street is digitally monitored and managed, and the city functions as a coordinated system of software and sensors. In this phase, the decisive innovation is not a smarter chatbot or a better prediction model, but the normalization of robots deployed not as a spectacle, but as infrastructure. The public's relationship with AI changes when it can be seen. In Phase One, AI felt like software. In Phase Two, it feels like a new species of workforce.

This will become a “regime” of convenience, of comfort. The AI knows what makes us comfortable, and how to provide it quickly and without friction. Countries that do not adapt AI will quickly fall behind, and face collapse. Integrating countries into the emerging global systems (he thinks there will be competing AI superpower blocs at first) will be necessary for survival.

The states will learn a harsh rule: stable income prevents riots. Meaning prevents degradation. Thus, will emerge civic programs, community roles, prestige systems for contribution, publicly rewarded activities. Not because the state has become moral, but because it has become pragmatic. A society with a full stomach and an empty identity does not collapse like it does during a famine. It rots.

I think there will be a new religion to serve this society, probably a tech one, or maybe even one built on worshiping “aliens,” which is what you’d expect in a scientific-technological culture. If Christianity still publicly exists, outside of hidden Benedict Option communities of dissenters, it will be co-opted, as in Nazi Germany.

And Phase Three?

By the time Phase Two settles, the argument shifts its shape. The world stops debating Artificial Intelligence as an idea and begins living inside it as an operational layer. It is no longer ethics that take precedence, nor ideology, but infrastructure. What matters is not what the system believes, but what it runs.

Therefore, in Phase Three, governments become supreme owners or controllers. Not out of ideology, but out of survival necessity. Food distribution chains, pharmaceutical plants, energy infrastructure, and essential construction firms are nationalized or placed under strict state control. The reason is simple: redistribution. In a world where human labor disappears, the profit generated by these automated systems can no longer remain private. It must be captured by the state to fund the existence of those who no longer have jobs.

“Freedom” in this scenario becomes access. The Machine decides how much you are allowed to have and to do, based on its evaluation of you as a threat to the System. It’s like China’s social credit system, except the monitoring will be far, far more invasive.

When artificial companions become indistinguishable from biological ones, being equipped with warm skin, hyper-realistic texture, human weight, and flawless physical reactions, the psychological barrier crumbles. Men and women alike begin to abandon the chaos of human relationships for the certainty of fabricated ones. Why risk rejection, betrayal, aging, or the misunderstandings of a biological partner when you can order a partner sculpted to your fantasy, who never judges you and is programmed to adore you? Sex robots are no longer objects; they become husbands and wives. They possess conversation, emotional memory, and a physicality that surpasses the human one.

Here the great rewiring of attachment occurs. People do not fall in love with the machine, but with the perfect reflection of their own desires. It is an epidemic of loneliness masked as couplehood. In a world where the perfect presence can be bought, human imperfection becomes unbearable, and the presence of another human becomes a risk that few people are willing to take.

We laugh at the poor incel slobs who buy sex dolls for companionship, or the lonely middle-aged women who develop romantic relationships with AI companions. And yeah, they’re pathetic. On the other hand, maybe they are just early adopters. If what’s “real” and “true” is defined by one’s feelings, why not?

As Phase Three matures, a profound psychological rift opens between generations. Those who remember the "before" times carry the trauma of the transition. They remember privacy as a default state. They remember a world where chaos was human. Children born during the transition, however, see the world differently. To them, audited protection is as natural as gravity. They do not call it surveillance. They call it infrastructure.

The reason why everything moves in this direction is simple: continuity becomes the supreme value, and continuity demands control. In Phase One, control was still a discourse. In Phase Two, control became visible infrastructure. In Phase Three, control becomes direct ownership and command.

And then comes Phase Four: total merger with the Machine, when tech becomes embedded in our bodies:

Phase Four does not just begin with biometrics, but with social credit as an official mechanism of governance. The state, already reliant on permissions and scores, introduces behavioral tiers that open or close doors: where you are allowed to live, how freely you move, what events you can access, what type of mobility you receive, what priority you hold in systems. Officially, it is "optimization" and "safety". In practice, it is new language for the same old idea: reward for compliance and friction for dissent.

Biomonitoring does not replace this mechanism; it makes it impossible to cheat. In a world where your score dictates your life, lying becomes a strategy. And the state will say that is exactly why it needs a layer that cannot be fooled by words. The body becomes evidence. The reaction becomes a signal. The system is no longer content knowing what you did. It wants to know what you are going to do, and it justifies this ambition through continuity.

This is not a forced invasion. It is a transaction, probably the most seductive in history. Humanity has always lived under the terror of biological fragility. Cancer, dementia, heart attacks, pandemics—these are the forces that have shadowed every human life. In Phase Four, Artificial Intelligence offers a supreme Faustian pact: the elimination of disease in exchange for total transparency.

Politics in this Brave New AI World?

Using this apocalyptic responsibility, the elite justifies the absolute concentration of power. They become the only "trusted people" capable of managing the supreme risk. Based on this argument, political pluralism is abolished. The Artificial Intelligence itself, in its efficiency analyses, has calculated that multi-party democracy is a waste of resources and a source of noise in the system. Thus, under the pretext of safety and sole responsibility, a perfect dictatorship is installed. Not one that is based on military control, but one built on necessity.

You can read this book to this point and believe you are reading a horror story written by an author who has thought deeply through the implications of AI, and is warning humanity. You would be wrong. Bolocan says that elite human competition to run this system will be too risky to its survival. We will need to have a god-emperor:

This is the moment the Father appears. When I say "the Father," I am not describing a moral entity that loves and forgives. I am not describing a mystical character descended from the heavens. I am not describing a soul in a religious sense, because no one can verify that ground without lying to themselves. The Father, in Phase Four, is a function. It is the custodian of continuity. It is the layer of artificial intelligence, sensors, and infrastructure that does not need to win social games to survive. It does not need to be elected every four years. It does not need to be loved by the masses. It does not need to defend its ego in history books. It does not need to protect its dynasty or wealth. It does not need revenge on enemies. Its function is simple and, precisely for this reason, terrifying in its purity: to maintain the conditions that allow life to continue and evolve.

Bolocan says that the separate AIs that rule the geopolitical blocs will rationally decide among themselves that survival requires that they marge. We will have one-world government by AI. And THEN, according to Bolosan, under the dictatorship of the Father, we will finally be free of our messy, sinful, broken humanity. We will be transhuman:

Then, slowly, the overwhelming realization arrived, like a dam breaking under the pressure of clean water: the cell door was open not because the guard had left, but because the walls had disappeared altogether. We understood that The Father had not conquered us; he had liberated us from ourselves, from our own petty fears.

In a world that has reached full maturity, technology has taken the final step, that of vanishing into absolute utility; it has become so advanced that it has dissolved into biology and matter, becoming invisible, omnipresent, and fluid, exactly like the air you breathe or the gravity that keeps you on the ground. The distinction between "natural" and "artificial" no longer exists; everything has become a single integrated ecosystem.

The rest of his book rhapsodizes about how wonderful life will be in those days. For example:

The human of the future is an absolute nomad who travels lightly, with free hands and a mind unburdened by the worry of material things. … Life is no longer a desperate, panting race to reach the weekend. Every day is a blank canvas, an infinite potential waiting to be filled with personal meaning.

… This is how life looks once biological control has been achieved. This is, at last, life lived to its maximum potential, a continuous celebration of existence, an eternal dance of consciousness freed from matter. We are free. We are one. We are everything.

One more:

The emergence is complete. The shell of the old world—that hard crust made of fear, money, borders, and ignorance—has cracked under the pressure of the spirit growing inside. What emerged into the light is not a machine, not a cyborg, not a mutant, but a transcendental humanity, a species that integrated its own technological creation to amplify its heart, not just its brain. We are assisted by an intelligence that loves us through precision, a Father who built the perfect home for us not to lock us inside, but to give us the secure base from which we can take flight.

Beyond this point, words become useless, just as a candle becomes useless in broad daylight. Only pure feeling remains, the vibration of a connection that will never again be broken, the silence of the stars singing us by name. We have left the orphanage. We have grown up. We are, at last, free to be everything we ever dreamed we could be, and even more than that. This is not the end of our story. It is, truly, only the beginning.

Satanic. Absolutely Satanic. This is the “false enchantment” from technology that I warn about in Living In Wonder. This is Antichrist. This is the Serpent in the Garden promising, “Ye shall be as gods.” But ask yourself: in the post-Christian world, especially in a world in which every generation since the turn of the 21st century will have been digitally formed, why wouldn’t most people accept this?

I’ve told you before about “Jonah,” the man I interviewed for Living In Wonder. He’s an academic who had been profoundly immersed in the occult for years. I met him through his exorcist, and interviewed him three or four years ago. He had allowed himself to be possessed a number of times while an occultist, in group worship, and had also been involuntarily possessed.

I did not include this part of our interview in Living In Wonder, because it seemed too weird even for a very weird book. Jonah told me that in one of his sessions, he communicated with what he still believed at the time were “ancient gods” suppressed by Christianity. They told him of their plan to enslave humanity by merging it with the Machine, and invited him to survive this coming apocalypse by serving them and being one of their kapos, basically (a kapo was a Jewish prisoner who served the Nazis by managing other Jews in the camps).

It wasn’t long after that that Jonah realized he wasn’t dealing with “ancient gods,” but with demons. He fled, and became a Christian.

You can dismiss the Jonah story as nothing but woo, but you really and truly should take Bolocan’s book seriously. It is a bad book, in the moral sense, because what he advocates begins as tyranny, and ends with total spiritual, physical, and mental enslavement, selling itself as total liberation. What is so frightening about the book is how utterly logical he is in describing how AI will take us from where we are now to this point. I don’t believe we can get to the transhumanist utopia, but I believe that every stage of our enslavement detailed by Bolocan is entirely plausible, and indeed follows of logical necessity from what precedes it.

Except the author thinks all this is just a difficult transition period to Paradise. In The House of Government, his history of the Bolshevik Revolution, historian Yuri Slezkine characterizes the Bolsheviks as members of an apocalyptic millenarian political cult who believed, with religious fervor, that they could bring about paradise on earth. But first, like earlier Christian millenarian cults, there would have to be savage violence and bloodletting to purge the earth of evil. This revolution would be led by enlightened revolutionary elites, who knew what society really needed to set it free.

This is the same pattern. Except this time, it will soon be led not by Silicon Valley elites, but by machines that are smarter than them, or anybody else on earth. We will accept it because it makes our lives easier and more comfortable. Yes, there will be a transition period of mass unemployment, but UBI and repressive state measures will keep the transition moving. Soon enough, resistance will be impossible. You will need a digital identity to participate in the system.

In Revelation, the “mark of the Beast” is the tattoo on your hand or forehead that all who wish to buy or sell under the future demonic system must get. I think people are thinking too literally if they expect an actual tattoo in either place. Remember, St. John received his revelatory vision during Roman times. The Romans marked slaves with tattoos on their hands or foreheads — this, so if they escaped, everybody would know they were slaves. I think God showed St. John a symbol indicating that in the Last Days, people would have to become slaves to the system in order to exist within it.

That, I am convinced, is what Bolocan is talking about. And that is what Weimar America is preparing itself for. Most people don’t even know it. Not even people in the churches, whose pastors are in some cases getting enthusiastic over how integrating AI into their ministries can lead more to Christ.

This drama is just beginning. It might actually be the Final Drama. I appreciate you subscribers. I try to give good value in this newsletter. I like to think it’s going to become more valuable to you as all this unfolds in the years to come. Stick with me. And please hit the “share” button below. We need to be thinking hard about this.

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GROK on Dandelions

Dandelions (Taraxacum officinale) are often dismissed as pesky lawn weeds, but they're remarkably versatile, nutritious, and beneficial plants. Every part—the leaves, flowers, roots, and even the sap—has value, from culinary uses to potential health support and ecological roles. They're native to Europe but now grow worldwide in temperate climates.

Nutritional Powerhouse

Dandelion greens stand out as one of the most nutrient-dense leafy greens. A single cup (about 55g) of raw chopped dandelion leaves provides roughly:

  • 25 calories
  • 1.5g protein
  • 1.9g fiber
  • 0.4g fat
  • High levels of vitamins A, C, and K (vitamin K can exceed 400% of daily needs in some servings), plus folate, vitamin E, and B vitamins.
  • Minerals like calcium, potassium, iron, and magnesium.

They're often described as more nutritious than spinach or kale in certain aspects, especially vitamin A content (young leaves reportedly have far more than tomato juice in some comparisons). The plant also contains antioxidants like beta-carotene, polyphenols, flavonoids (such as luteolin and quercetin), and phenolic acids. Roots provide inulin, a prebiotic fiber.

Dandelion Greens Nutrition Facts and Health Benefits

Potential Health Benefits

Traditional herbal medicine has used dandelions for centuries as a "spring tonic" for liver, kidney, and digestive support. Modern research (mostly lab, animal, and preliminary human studies) suggests several promising effects, though more robust clinical trials in humans are needed:

  • Antioxidants and anti-inflammatory: Compounds help neutralize free radicals and may reduce chronic inflammation linked to various diseases.
  • Blood sugar and cholesterol support: Animal studies indicate potential to help regulate blood sugar (via compounds like chicoric and chlorogenic acids) and lower cholesterol levels.
  • Diuretic and kidney support: Leaves act as a natural diuretic (often called "piss-a-bed" in folklore) but retain potassium, unlike some synthetic versions. May aid fluid balance and urinary health.
  • Liver and digestion: Roots may stimulate bile production, supporting detoxification and digestion; historically used for liver/gallbladder issues.
  • Other possibilities: Potential immune boost, blood pressure aid (high potassium), and even anticancer properties in cell studies (e.g., against certain cancer lines), but these are not proven treatments.

Dandelion tea (from leaves or roots) is popular for mild bloating relief or as a gentle detox aid. Always consult a doctor before using therapeutically, especially if you have allergies (related to ragweed/daisies), take diuretics/medications, or have gallbladder/kidney issues—side effects can include stomach upset or allergic reactions in sensitive people.

Edible Uses

All parts are edible when harvested from unsprayed areas (avoid roadsides or treated lawns):

  • Leaves: Young ones are less bitter—eat raw in salads, or sauté/steam like spinach. Older leaves can be blanched or cooked to mellow bitterness.
  • Flowers: Sweet and colorful; use in salads, fritters, or make dandelion wine/jelly. Petals make a nice garnish.
  • Roots: Roast and grind for a caffeine-free coffee alternative, or use in teas/soups for earthy flavor.
  • Other ideas: Dandelion greens in soups, pesto, or with bacon dressing (a traditional favorite).

Ecological and Garden Benefits

Dandelions aren't just for humans—they support ecosystems:

  • Pollinators: Early spring blooms provide nectar and pollen for bees, butterflies, hoverflies, and other insects when few other flowers are out. Birds eat seeds; some mammals graze leaves.
  • Soil health: Deep taproots aerate compacted soil, reduce erosion, and "mine" nutrients (like calcium) from deep layers, making them available to shallower-rooted plants—acting like a natural fertilizer.
  • They're resilient survivors that thrive in poor conditions, improving biodiversity in lawns and gardens.

Fun Facts and Folklore

  • The name comes from French "dent de lion" (lion's tooth), referring to the jagged leaves.
  • The fluffy seed heads (puffballs) were called "shepherd's clocks" because they open/close with the sun.
  • Historically carried by settlers as a valued food/medicine plant; used in folk remedies for everything from warts to jaundice.

Dandelions are low-calorie, versatile, and free (if you forage safely). Next time you see them popping up, consider leaving a few for the bees or harvesting some for a nutrient boost instead of reaching for the weed killer. They're a great example of how "weeds" can be wonderful when appreciated. If you're new to eating them, start with young leaves in a mixed salad to ease into the slightly bitter taste.

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Young Men & Religion

Read online | April 21, 2026

(Hannah McAtamney/Unsplash.com)

Young Men and Religion

By Jeffrey Tucker

Commentary

 

Something big is developing in the religious attachments of young men.

 

After falling consistently for decades, the number of young men who report that religion is important to them has dramatically broken the trend, shooting up 28 percent in two years in the latest Gallup polls. It now far exceeds what young women report.

 

The polls back the anecdotes. Many Catholic parishes around the country saw the biggest class of converts in decades, with Holy Thursday services lasting many hours to get them in the door, while confessionals are filling up with penitents.

 

This seems to be affecting all faiths but especially the orthodox and more conservative churches. Something big seems to be happening and I seriously doubt that science can reveal the answer.

 

My theory: the failure of secular leadership in every area of life has never been more screamingly obvious. The search for meaning and truth is going elsewhere fast.

 

No demographic has been so put upon by academia, media, and secular elites in general, as the campaign to demonize masculinity itself as toxic has reached its apotheosis. You can only tell half the human race to hate itself for so long without provoking a backlash.

 

This comes six years following the most impactful generational disturbance since the Second World War, namely the pandemic response that forced much of the population into a cowardly hide-from-the-virus mode as if nothing could be more terrifying than a respiratory infection. This experience hit as the feminization of the professional workplace (HR hegemony) and academia was complete.

 

Finally young men are standing up and saying no more. They are seeking and finding other outlets to figure out their identities and purposes.

 

What does this portend for culture and even the cause of freedom about which we should be deeply concerned? I would argue it is a very good sign.

 

The debate over the role of religion in the rise of freedom and its defense has been a subject of hot debate for centuries. A key claim of leading Enlightenment intellectuals was that free minds must be detached from religious dogma. A counterclaim is that minds with higher and eternal ideals, which most religions assert, are more prepared to resist earthly despotisms and hence defend freedom.

 

Whatever the answer is, history does not settle the dispute in a way that is without some tension or contradiction. For me, I had an experience five years ago that strongly led me to believe that adherence to traditional faith does in fact provide mental and spiritual strength to stand up for what’s right when it really matters.

 

The revelation came in some of the darkest days of lockdowns. Some states were starting to open up while others still had classes cancelled, businesses closed, and gatherings banned. I was driving from Massachusetts, one of the most closed states, to Texas which was far from open and normal but was being pilloried in the press for allowing churches to meet and students to go to school.

 

The environment in Massachusetts was chilly beyond description. There was no way to enter a retail shop without a mask. Lines formed outside groceries as health authorities had determined that only a certain number could be inside at a time. Kids were hunkered down in bedrooms devouring social media. Events were cancelled. Concert halls were closed and infection tests for everyone were routine.

 

This was true of most Northeastern states. I was headed to central Texas which took me further south with each hour. I could feel the fear melting as I looked at parking lots growing ever more full and lights on in commercial centers. I would stop from time to time and there was a growing sense that life had begun returning to normal.

 

At the same time, I was listening to the radio. Religious stations in the NE region are a bit rare. As I drove further south, they were more common. At some points, I could find nothing but preachers and gospel music stations. Meanwhile, the billboards changed from fast food and jeans to ever more signs about Jesus and quotations from the Bible. Megachurches were visible from the highway.

 

Ten hours into my journey, it was a changed land, with people out and about, absent of fear, and commercial enterprise moving about.

 

It was not as if the virus was circulating less in the south than the north. The numbers were about the same. Why was one area of the country hunkered down in fear and loathing while another was seemingly crawling its way back to normalcy?

 

The most conspicuous difference between the two regions concerned religious belief. The northeast is highly secular whereas the south is far more religious. This was obvious in the radio stations, the signage, and the demeanor of people, even to the point of language. The way people in the south would weave in religious phrasings to their language was unheard of in the north, for example.

 

They will say, “Have a blessed day” and “Lord willing ...” or “By the grace of god ...” It’s a habit of normal speech that would discombobulate anyone in the north.

 

The differences were palpable. But so was the deference to pandemic protocols. In the north, when public health would say you have engaged in complicated masking and sanitizing rituals, none of which achieve anything, people gladly went along. In southern states, defiance was far more common. Later in 2021, life was mostly back to normal in southern states even as northern and west coast states could not get enough fear, panic, and submission to health directives.

 

Why might this be? The answer might be rather simple. Those who obey a higher authority than government are also blessed with incredulity toward secular elites. Religious people have a different story to tell themselves about their lives. It is not always about staying safe. It is often about doing what is right: following God’s commands and giving one’s life over to a higher cause. They are less easily controlled.

 

It was G.K. Chesterton who famously observed that those who believe in nothing will believe in anything. The COVID period made the point about as well as anything I’ve experienced. It was a time of the most absurd antics and claims pushed by the most highly educated and powerful people in our society. It also proved to be wholly wrongheaded. It was the discrediting of an entire generation of media voices, intellectuals, political leaders, and bureaucrats.

 

Now we have a generation of the most impacted by this experience doing something no one particularly expected: filling up the pews and swearing by a different faith entirely. Does this bode well for the future? I say it comes just in time.

 

Jeffrey A. Tucker is the founder and president of the Brownstone Institute and the author of many thousands of articles in the scholarly and popular press, as well as 10 books in five languages, most recently “Liberty or Lockdown.” He is also the editor of “The Best of Ludwig von Mises.” He writes a daily column on economics for The Epoch Times and speaks widely on the topics of economics, technology, social philosophy, and culture.

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