March 1, 2025
Why Arab Countries Do Not Want Gazans
By Mudar Zahran

For decades, Arab nations have positioned themselves as staunch supporters of the Palestinian cause, yet their actions suggest otherwise. Although they publicly denounce Israel and advocate for Palestinian rights, behind closed doors, many Arab leaders have systematically worked to prevent a permanent resolution to the Palestinian issue. Nowhere is this hypocrisy more evident than in the refusal of most Arab states — particularly Jordan — to integrate Palestinians, despite historical, demographic, and geopolitical realities that make Jordan the most viable Palestinian homeland.

Jordan is historically part of Palestine, with the majority of its population being Palestinian. Given these facts, Jordan should logically serve as the natural homeland for displaced Palestinians rather than advocating for a separate Palestinian state in the West Bank or Gaza. However, the Hashemite monarchy, which has ruled Jordan since its creation as a British protectorate, actively disenfranchises Palestinian Jordanians, maintaining them in a second-class status while simultaneously portraying itself as a champion of Palestinian rights.

Western policymakers often justify Jordan’s treatment of Palestinians by referencing the events of 1970, when King Hussein used the Pakistani army to crush an attempted PLO takeover. However, declassified White House documents suggest a different perspective. Then–U.S. secretary of State Henry Kissinger viewed the idea of Palestinian self-rule in Jordan as the chance for a solution to the Palestinian question. In a White House memo to President Nixon, Kissinger argued that a Palestinian-led government in Jordan could provide “a Palestinian settlement.”

Nixon did not support the concept. This allowed King Hussein to enlist the support of Pakistan, which sent troops to Jordan and swiftly suppressed the Palestinians, killing thousands of civilians. With that, the prospect of a Palestinian state in Jordan was extinguished, paving the way for decades of failed peace initiatives based on the so-called two-state solution.

Fast-forward to today, and Jordan’s King Abdullah himself is in an alliance with Iran — yes, Iran. Unlike other Arab leaders who maintain a distance from Tehran, Abdullah has openly courted the Iranian regime, even going so far as to feature a photograph with Iran’s supreme leader in his memoir Our Last Best Chance. This relationship has been extensively documented, including by Israeli journalist Edy Cohen, who wrote in The Jerusalem Post, “It’s official: Jordan is now allies with Iran.”

Beyond Iran, Abdullah has also strengthened economic ties with China, Iran’s primary military and political backer. Instead of accepting discounted Israeli liquid natural gas, he chose to take a significant loan from China to build a power station, which trapped Jordan in billions of dollars of debt to China.

Also, Abduallah is in full alliance with the radical Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, which he uses for leverage against the disgruntled Palestinian majority. Simply put, whenever the oppressed Palestinian majority requests basic civil rights, the Jordanian Bedouin-dominated Muslim Brotherhood group launches demonstrations requesting “the right of return to Palestine” to remind Jordan’s Palestinians that “they are mere refugees in Jordan despite being citizens” and hence “should have no rights here.”

This may explain why Abduallah, like most Arab rulers, is keen to sustain the Palestinian issue rather than resolve it. By keeping Palestinians in a stateless limbo, Abdullah and other Arab leaders maintain a useful political tool for extracting foreign aid and exerting leverage over the West.

The manipulation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is not unique to Jordan. With the exception of Saudi Arabia, nearly every Arab state has benefited from prolonging the conflict. The Palestinian issue has become a convenient pretext for securing foreign aid, suppressing internal dissent, and leveraging influence in Washington. Though publicly condemning Israel, many of these regimes have secretly collaborated with Israel on security matters while ensuring that Palestinians remain in permanent refugee status to serve as a bargaining chip.

Contrary to what the so-called “Middle East experts” claim, Arab states’ reluctance to integrate Palestinians has little to do with Palestinians being perceived as “troublemakers.” The real reason is far more calculated: Arab regimes do not want the Palestinian issue resolved, because doing so would strip them of one of their most potent political weapons.

As a Jordanian of Palestinian heritage, I have often heard Palestinians referred to as “the Jews of the Arabs.” This phrase, though controversial, reflects an important truth: Palestinians, like Jews, have historically excelled in fields such as education, medicine, and business, often outperforming their Arab counterparts.

Palestinians have played a crucial role in building the Gulf states. In Qatar and Kuwait, they established the education, health care, and military systems. The first two Kuwaiti fighter pilots were two Palestinian brothers from the Shaheen family in Hebron. In the United Arab Emirates, the two key advisers to the president are Mohammad Dahlan and Zaki Nusseibeh, both Palestinian. Even in Jordan, Palestinians transformed a barren desert into one of the most developed Arab countries, despite facing a ghoulish Apartheid system imposed by the Hashemite monarchy.

At the same time, Palestinian political leadership has made grave miscalculations. The PLO’s occupation of Lebanon in the 1970s resulted in the destruction of the country’s social fabric. As of today, Lebanon has not recovered from the destruction the PLO brought it. In addition, in 1990, both Yasser Arafat and King Hussein backed Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, a decision that led to the mass expulsion of Palestinians from the Gulf. Although Palestinians’ resilience is undeniable, poor political leadership has contributed to their ongoing statelessness.

Nonetheless, the Palestinians and their cause have become the scapegoat for Arab regimes. When Saddam’s hubris resulted in sanctions that lasted for 13 years and improved the Iraqi people, he kept claiming that it was “Zionist revenge” because “Iraq supported Palestine.” Saddam even invented the slogan “Iraq and Palestine are the same case.” Today, Jordan’s king is claiming he would not allow the Palestinians to have their civil rights in Jordan and that he is there to “protect the Palestinian cause,” “save Jerusalem,” and “prevent the expulsion of Palestinians from Palestine.”

Abdullah claims that he is protecting Palestinians by denying them full civil rights in Jordan. He insists that granting Palestinians citizenship would undermine their “right of return” to Israel and weaken the Palestinian cause. In reality, this is a cynical ploy to maintain his grip on power.

The Hashemite monarchy faces mounting discontent from both Jordanian Bedouins and Palestinians. By keeping Palestinians in a stateless condition, Abdullah aims to redirect public frustration toward Israel instead of himself while portraying himself as the defender of Palestinian rights.

But imagine a different scenario: Imagine Palestinians being fully integrated into Jordan as citizens, free to build businesses, serve in government, and contribute to their country without being labeled “refugees.”

Imagine Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and Syria finally having a homeland where they can exercise their right of return — not to Israel, but to Jordan, where they have historical roots.

Imagine the Palestinian cause ending because Palestinians finally have a state of their own.

This is precisely what Arab regimes fear.

After the devastation of October 7, most Gazans despise Hamas and want to flee. Hamas has exploited civilians, hoarded aid, and used human shields, making life in Gaza unbearable. But where can they go? Egypt, with its struggling economy, is not a viable option. Jordan, on the other hand, shares a common culture and language along with economic ties with Gazans. It is the most logical destination.

President Trump’s plan to relocate Palestinians to Jordan was the closest the world has come to a real solution. Unlike the failed two-state approach, which has only prolonged conflict, Trump’s plan has reminded the world and the Arabs that Jordan is the true Palestinian homeland.

Further, if the world is serious about ending Palestinian suffering, it must hold Arab rulers accountable for deliberately sustaining the conflict. For decades, these leaders have fueled the war, exploited Palestinians for political gain, and refused to integrate them into their societies. The United States and its allies must demand that Jordan and other Arab states take political and fiscal Arab responsibility for settling the conflict. They have paid billions for the conflict; it is time they do the same to establish peace. It is time to build a New Jordan — a secular, Muslim Brotherhood–free democratic Palestinian state that offers a real future for its people.

Any other “fixes” have been already tried, and the results have been disastrous. It’s time for reality to take effect.

Mudar Zahran is a Jordanian Palestinian politician living in exile. He heads the Jordanian Opposition Coalition. He previously served as an economic specialist and assistant policy coordinator for the U.S. embassy in Amman.